Suchergebnisse

This work examines the current state of Russian education on the basis of data of the researches which were carried out in recent years in our educational institutions. The main attention is focused on an explanation of existing distinctions and identification of the factors influencing the training results rather than on ranging educational institutions by level of pupil preparation. Similar researches make it possible to reveal strong sides and weaknesses of Russian education and to trace a course of actions for more effective achievement of the scheduled purposes.

In the beginning of 2017 our colleagues and authors of Project Baikal received several state awards. Andrei Kaftanov received the Russian Federation Presidential Certificate of Honour for his active international and scientific work. Andrei introduced to PB the Swiss journalist Guy Mettan, who later became president of the Geneva Parliament. His valuable article on the Geneva-Lausanne agglomeration was published in PB 9. Guy Mettan was awarded the Order of Friendship. Andrei Bokov, who has also greatly contributed to PB (PB 5, PB 26, PB 50 and PB 51), was awarded the honorary title National Architect of the RF. ; Начало 2017 года ознаменовалось вручением сразу нескольких государственных наград нашим коллегам и авторам ПБ. Наш друг Андрей Кафтанов не раз посещал Иркутск, был гостем III межрегионального фестиваля ЗВС-2003, известен читателям ПБ как видный деятель Международного союза архитекторов, организатор многих международных выставок и конкурсов. Почетная грамота Президента Российской Федерации – достойная награда за активную международную и научную деятельность. Андрей в свое время познакомил нас с Ги Меттаном, журналистом, а впоследствии парламентарием из Швейцарии. Его рассказ об агломерации Женева – Лозанна был весомым вкладом специальный выпуск ПБ, посвященный агломерации (ПБ9). Высочайшего звания «Народный архитектор России» удостоен Андрей Боков, неоднократный автор и ньюсмейкер ПБ, гость главной темы этого номера (ПБ5, ПБ26, ПБ50, ПБ51).

В статье рассматривается проблема самоограничения государственной власти в правовом государстве. Авторы приводят характерные (имманентные) свойства государственной власти, делают выводы о ее политико-правовой природе, раскрывают основные проблемы, вытекающие из ее стремления к абсолютизации. Анализируются аспекты, касающиеся необходимости ограничения государственной власти в правом государстве, исследуются необходимость, возможность и способы ее самоограничения.В частности, авторы рассматривают политическое сознание граждан и правящего истеблишмента как один из наиболее важных инструментов, без которого невозможно достичь самоограничения государственной власти. Делается вывод о том, что государственная власть должна опираться как на универсальные потребности граждан, так и на общедемократические свойства политического устройства, ограничивая свои стремления к абсолютизации ради общественного блага, поддерживая законность и правопорядок.В качестве одной из наиболее распространенных моделей самоограничения государственной власти в современном политико-правовом поле авторы выделяют федерализм. В статье анализируются проблемы, возникающие на пути воплощения такой модели самоограничения как реально действующей и результативной, высказываются предложения по их устранению. Делается вывод о том, что федерализм, подкрепленный действенным механизмом местного самоуправления, является реальной основой действенного ограничения властного произвола, о чем свидетельствует опыт стран Запада. ; The article is devoted to the problem of self-restraint of state power in a legal state. The authors display distinctive (immanent) properties of a state power, analyze its political and legal nature and reveal major challenges stemming from the urge towards absolute authority.The aspects analyzed are related to the necessity to limit state power in the legal state. The necessity, possibility, and ways of self-restraint of state power are explored in the research.In particular, the authors consider political consciousness of citizens and ruling class as one of the major tools that are vital for self-restraint of state power. The conclusion is drawn that state power must be built on universal needs of citizens as well as on democratic principles of political systems, while limiting its aspiration to absolute power for the sake of social prosperity, supporting the legitimacy and public order.The authors dwell upon federalism as one of the most widespread models of self-restraint of state power in contemporary law and politics. The analysis is provided concerning the problems arising in the course of realization of this truly efficient and productive model of self-restraint, and some solutions to mitigate these problems are also offered. The conclusion is reached that federalism being supported by an effective mechanism of local self-government is a really effective limitation basis for state arbitrariness, which is proved by experience of Western countries.

Most theorists on international relations agree on recognizing natural resources, economic strength, technological development, political stability, & military strength as the five bases of a state's power. This unanimity is in sharp contrast with the divergences in the operationalizations of the power of states. Most operationalizations use only one or two bases of a state's power & thus are very limited in scope. Therefore, the demand for an operationalization sticking as closely as possible to the unanimity among theorists forces itself on the researcher. An attempt is made to transform the theoretical unanimity into an operational measure. Each power basis represented by partial indicators is listed: (1) natural resources--area, population, production of energy, (2) economic strength--gross national product, energy consumption, monetary stability, (3) technological development--level of alphabetization, number of students in higher education, scientific production & infrastructure, (4) political stability--length of independence, internal stability, & (5) military strength--number of men in the armed forces, conventional weapons, nuclear strength. The operationalization was obtained by granting all five power bases an equal share in the index & by giving an equal weight to the sums of the arithmetical values for fifteen partial indicators & thus, for the five indicators. The nation's power-index, thus obtained, was applied to 110 nation states as they existed at the beginning of the '70s. On this power scale, ratings differ from 29,046 indexpoints of world power (IWM) for the US to 276 IWM for Gambia & even less for a number of the smaller states that could not be investigated. Modified HA.