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The past 10 years have witnessed a revival of interest in state building & "international protectorates." Historical precedents contain important lessons for contemporary practice but today's state-building engineers are often ill-acquainted with these lessons. Nor are they mindful of the fundamental contradictions that encumber state-building initiatives. The political project of reconstructing collapsed states, it becomes apparent, is not only ideologically freighted; it also ignores what historical sociologists have taught us about the complex processes that govern the construction of states & nations. Adapted from the source document.

Résumé Presque 8 ans après l'intervention internationale au Kosovo de 1999, celui-ci se retrouve face à la difficulté de construire un état démocratique durable, développant son économie et encourageant une société civile participative, suivant ainsi son agenda de démocratisation. Alors que la mission de l'ONU se prépare à partir, une mission sous contrôle de l'UE, l'EU Planning Team se prépare à prendre la relève. À partir de cette situation, il est pertinent de contribuer à la discussion actuelle sur la construction étatique et le développement du discours, particulièrement dans le cas du Kosovo en tant que nouveau pays. Cet article, qui s'appuiera sur la démocratisation et l'agenda de construction étatique, prendra en compte les prémisses du développement social à travers l'analyse du capital social, en examinant son potentiel comme un catalyseur qui, dans de tels contextes, pourrait amener de grands résultats. Cet article sera basé sur l'approche théorique de Robert Putnam et son concept de capital social. Se référant à la recherche empirique, Robert Putnam a développé les « instruments de Putnam » qui sont surtout connus comme un index élaboré de civicness qui inclut : la confiance, les normes de réciprocité, le réseau, le lien et la rencontre au Kosovo. En utilisant ces indicateurs, cet article explorera la dépendance causale que le rôle des réseaux d'engagement civique joue sur les autres aspects de la vie au Kosovo. La théorie de Putnam nous aidera à comprendre pourquoi le capital social, incarné dans les réseaux horizontaux de l'engagement civique, améliore les performances du politique ( polity ) et de l'économie plutôt que l'inverse. De plus, nous analyserons concrètement les rôles et activités de la société civile et les médias au Kosovo, et plus particulièrement leur engagement pour venir à bout des clivages sociaux qui sont toujours présents dans la société kosovare d'après guerre. À l'issue de cet article, nous montrerons que le potentiel pour un capital social dans le Kosovo actuel, bénéficiant de bonnes opportunités par la tradition civique actuelle, doit aussi faire face à un immense défi, celui d'une situation politique et économique compliquée. En conclusion nous verrons que la tentative de faciliter une société civile forte, capable de régénérer le capital social dans une situation d'après guerre doit prendre en compte la manière de la mettre aux normes avec les exigences de temps et de développement social/institutionnel. Cela nécessitera une analyse de l'engagement à long terme de l'UE.

To enlarge the territory and expand power and interest, every country uses different instruments. The propaganda, which is dedicated to convince public opinion for the national cause, is not only pervasive but multiform. Not only posters, discourses, TV and radio programs have the force to modify the conception, but ordinary people can become instrument of propaganda. The traditional role that we attribute to travellers is to vulgarise new knowledges, but we should not forget that they serve, in any case, political interests and governance. It is not rare, that a nation profits of the travellers to defend a cause, which has not surely positive reception. The manner is not complicated: the traveller has only to paint an image favourable and hide every negative points of the ruling system. He can easily become procurer of colonialism, without doing something else but underline the success of French people in the colonized territories and the results of the "civilizing mission", which is one of the principal reasons of colonisation. The traveller can serve the propaganda of other nations too, this is the case for example in regard to the Soviet Union, which manipulates foreign travellers, thus creating theatral background to mislead them and make them write and publish their travel experiences. We can consider the traveller as an important instrument of national state building processes. Therefore, I tend to present in my paper the manipulative role of travelogues on public opinion. ; To enlarge the territory and expand power and interest, every country uses different instruments. The propaganda, which is dedicated to convince public opinion for the national cause, is not only pervasive but multiform. Not only posters, discourses, TV and radio programs have the force to modify the conception, but ordinary people can become instrument of propaganda. The traditional role that we attribute to travellers is to vulgarise new knowledges, but we should not forget that they serve, in any case, political interests and governance. It is not rare, that a nation profits of the travellers to defend a cause, which has not surely positive reception. The manner is not complicated: the traveller has only to paint an image favourable and hide every negative points of the ruling system. He can easily become procurer of colonialism, without doing something else but underline the success of French people in the colonized territories and the results of the "civilizing mission", which is one of the principal reasons of colonisation. The traveller can serve the propaganda of other nations too, this is the case for example in regard to the Soviet Union, which manipulates foreign travellers, thus creating theatral background to mislead them and make them write and publish their travel experiences. We can consider the traveller as an important instrument of national state building processes. Therefore, I tend to present in my paper the manipulative role of travelogues on public opinion.

Senegal is a country which received a lot of aid. Nevertheless, its economic growth and its political stability show that we can't summarize the donor's presence only as foreign dependency. Focusing on the making and implementation of managing services at an international level and the way the leading, administrative and political elites take hold of them, this thesis observes the results of the extroversion strategies and power changes. This Reflection will focus on the following three points : capture and redistribution strategies of the national elites, external aid management tools and its changes, and projects coordinator careers. The research explores senior management high administration connected to international aid thanks to interviews and to a large corpus of documents and archives. It shows that the making of an outward-admministration, if it encourages competition around funds' use and management, doesn't generate only a State separation. Beyond the creation of bureaucratic divisions or the appearance of an international elite, the help is proper by local actors who write it in endogenous logics to the administration (administrative struggles, existing hierarchies, links with the political world) in which they are highly anchored. ; Le Sénégal est un pays sous régime d'aide. Toutefois, sa croissance économique et sa stabilité politique interdit de résumer la présence persistante des bailleurs à une simple dépendance à l'étranger. En prenant pour objet la construction et la mise en œuvre des dispositifs de gestion de l'aide au niveau national sur le temps long (1960-2019) et la manière dont les élites dirigeantes, politiques et administratives, s'en saisissent, cette thèse observe les stratégies d'extraversion et les reconfigurations de pouvoir qui en résultent. Cette réflexion s'articule autour de trois entrées : celle des stratégies de captation et de redistribution des élites dirigeantes, celle des instruments de gestion de l'aide et de leurs transformations, et celle des carrières des directeurs ...

Senegal is a country which received a lot of aid. Nevertheless, its economic growth and its political stability show that we can't summarize the donor's presence only as foreign dependency. Focusing on the making and implementation of managing services at an international level and the way the leading, administrative and political elites take hold of them, this thesis observes the results of the extroversion strategies and power changes. This Reflection will focus on the following three points : capture and redistribution strategies of the national elites, external aid management tools and its changes, and projects coordinator careers. The research explores senior management high administration connected to international aid thanks to interviews and to a large corpus of documents and archives. It shows that the making of an outward-admministration, if it encourages competition around funds' use and management, doesn't generate only a State separation. Beyond the creation of bureaucratic divisions or the appearance of an international elite, the help is proper by local actors who write it in endogenous logics to the administration (administrative struggles, existing hierarchies, links with the political world) in which they are highly anchored. ; Le Sénégal est un pays sous régime d'aide. Toutefois, sa croissance économique et sa stabilité politique interdit de résumer la présence persistante des bailleurs à une simple dépendance à l'étranger. En prenant pour objet la construction et la mise en œuvre des dispositifs de gestion de l'aide au niveau national sur le temps long (1960-2019) et la manière dont les élites dirigeantes, politiques et administratives, s'en saisissent, cette thèse observe les stratégies d'extraversion et les reconfigurations de pouvoir qui en résultent. Cette réflexion s'articule autour de trois entrées : celle des stratégies de captation et de redistribution des élites dirigeantes, celle des instruments de gestion de l'aide et de leurs transformations, et celle des carrières des directeurs de projets. En étudiant, à partir d'un corpus documentaire et archivistiques varié et d'une série d'entretien, les espaces de la haute administration sénégalaise branchée sur l'aide, nous montrons que la construction d'une administration extravertie, si elle donne lieu à des concurrences autour de la gestion et de l'usage des fonds, n'entraîne pas seulement une fragmentation de l'État. Au-delà de la création d'enclaves bureaucratiques ou de l'apparition d'une élite internationale, l'aide est appropriée par les acteurs locaux qui l'inscrivent dans des logiques endogènes à l'administration (les luttes administratives, les hiérarchies existantes, les liens avec le monde politique) dans laquelle ils sont fortement ancrés.

Security and order are the foundation of the Cameroonian political order. The emergence, the "establisment" and the "restoration" of order are the quintessential missions of the State. Consequently, the aim of this thesis is to understand how these two concepts built the Cameroonian State and how their breakdown have simultaneously deconstructed and constructed this State. From these perspective, the production of security and order, and through them of the State, can be divided into three stages. Firstly, it is formed from the collision and collusion between endogenous and exogenous factors. On the one hand, colonial history (followed by the colonial pact) structured the constitution. From this point of view, the military cooperation between France and Cameroon (through cognitive structures in terms of doctrine and military training, the French security system) is the backbone of defence and security of that country. On the other hand, the security of Cameroon is constructed due to international parameters: "war against terrorism", strategic and geostrategic stakes of powers at work in the Guinea Gulf and the Congo Basin, and the national and domestic security of these powers. Finally, on the regional scale, the wars in progress in Central Africa have a fundamental impact on the way in which methods of security actions are undertaken in the Cameroon: the formulation and formalization of the Cameroonian foreign policy and military thinking are permeated by the "conflictual pattern" that models Central Africa. Secondly, building mechanisms from "within" have sought to translate the fact that security is both constructed by endogenous and "endogenized" factors, (in other words, translated and adapted to fit to local issues). The creation of security and order is a process in which security and political forces, in their interaction and their deployment, and the ensuing public policies reveal an historical constancy of strength; domination and antagonism with as the ultimate purpose, to perpetuate an authoritarian ...