From various surveys on the quality of public services shows that low public services in Indonesia, more affected due to poor quality of human resources officers. Therefore it is necessary to reform human resources through capacity building apparatus. With reference to the experience of three countries (Britain, Australia, New Zealand), then capacity building in Indonesia should be taken seriously by political commitment at both the macro and micro: (1) change in mindset of officials, (2) Capacity building of intellectual capital, ( 3) Capacity building of intellectual capital, (4) Capacity building of intellectual capital. Besides the focus on human resources, Capacity building also should be coupled with capacity building institutions
The era of trade liberalisation for the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) began in December 2015 and brought about economic liberalisation in the Southeast Asian region. This era is competitive and the ASEAN member states (AMSs) almost do not have full power of sovereignty to govern their own economic national matters. In this globalised dependence era, the majority of states in the world have to adjust and adopt as well as adapt their national laws to internationalised rules of law. This trade liberation era also has forced companies and other business entities, including Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and Cooperatives in Indonesia to compete with each other in order to tap the benefits of international trade liberalisation. In this context, SMEs and Cooperatives in Indonesia need some kind of protection from the government that does not oppose international regulations on trade. While the number of SMEs and Cooperatives is 98 per cent, their contribution to Indonesian export is small, at only 19 per cent. They are weak in terms of capacity building and access to capital, information technology, global markets as well as integration with regional and global market chains. This research paper evaluates SMEs and Cooperatives in Indonesia in terms of facing AEC trade liberalisation, i.e., what has done and should be done by the authority is to give proper protection to the SMEs in Indonesia by focusing on the manufacturing SMEs as this sector has the best chance of boosting SMEs' export capacity and building the competitiveness of Indonesian SMEs in order to be equal with other SMEs in the ASEAN region.
The government of the South Kalimantan Province moved the provincial capital from Banjarmasin to Banjarbaru at the end of 2011. However, there has not been a clear decision as to what the government's old building will be used for. One thing is clear, the utilization has to be optimized by considering the local government regulations. The aim of the research is to examine the highest and the best alternatives of utilization that can be adopted for such an asset. Non-probability sampling method was used in the research to find the alternatives. The alternatives were analyzed by using the highest and the best use analysis as the relevance test instrument for each of them. After analyzing the alternatives, the benefit-cost ratio (BCR) analysis was conducted to analyze the alternatives prior to determining their feasibility. Legal analysis, physical analysis, financial analysis, and the maximum productivity analysis were the stages conducted on the research based on highest and best use analysis. Based on the result of the research, the alternative which is feasible to do is that the building is used for other governmental or public purposes. Through the analysis, the alternative meets the criteria of the analysis as mentioned before with NPV Rp. 747,439,143 and BCR 1.024. Furthermore, according to 42.5 percent of the respondents, the building is best used for UPT offices and other institutions.
This paper describes the ineffectiveness of South Korea's confidence-building measures towards North Korea during the reign of Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun through the sunshine policy. The previous studies on the sunshine policy only discussed the efforts made by the South Korean government through the sunshine policy and America's influence on the implementation in general. The studies are divided into three major categories namely: domestic politics, political economy, and regional studies, but none has discussed the causes of the ineffectiveness of the sunshine policy. By using confidence-building measures as an analytical framework, this paper will explain the variables in confidence-building measures that cause sunshine policies to be ineffective. The main argument of this paper is that there are 2 factors that cause the sunshine policy to be ineffective, namely the influence of America and the absence of political will from North Korea to achieve the goal of confidence-building measures through sunshine policy.
United States and the Soviet Union is a country on the part of allies who emerged as the winner during World War II. However, after reaching the Allied victory in the situation soon changed, man has become an opponent. United States and the Soviet Union are competing to expand the influence and power. To compete the United States strive continuously strengthen itself both in the economic and military by establishing a defense pact and aid agencies in the field of economy. During the Cold War the two are not fighting directly in one of the countries of the former Soviet Union and the United States. However, if understood, teradinya the Korean War and the Vietnam War is a result of tensions between the two countries and is a direct warfare conducted by the United States and the Soviet Union. Cold War ended in conflict with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the United States emerged as the winner of the country. ; United States and the Soviet Union is a country on the part of allies who emerged as the winner during World War II. However, after reaching the Allied victory in the situation soon changed, man has become an opponent. United States and the Soviet Union are competing to expand the influence and power. To compete the United States strive continuously strengthen itself both in the economic and military by establishing a defense pact and aid agencies in the field of economy. During the Cold War the two are not fighting directly in one of the countries of the former Soviet Union and the United States. However, if understood, teradinya the Korean War and the Vietnam War is a result of tensions between the two countries and is a direct warfare conducted by the United States and the Soviet Union. Cold War ended in conflict with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the United States emerged as the winner of the country.
There are two functions of the state liability principle. The first is to secure individual rights (including economic rights) from a wrongful act conducted by a government, and the second is to compensate for damage caused by the infringement of individual right. Economic right is inherently allowing an individual to pursue economic interest both domestically or globally. In order to accommodate this right, a government is obliged to provide trade rules and mechanisms for every individual to conduct their global economic activities by participating in the WTO. The objective of the WTO significantly corresponds to the individual's right in order to obtain trade benefits. Hence, when a government infringes trade rules and mechanisms underlined in WTO Law, it will directly restrict individuals from gaining trade benefits under the WTO or, moreover, it will restrain individuals from enjoying their inviolable economic rights. When the right is violated, and the damage occurs, it thus leads to the obligation for the government to compensate the damage according to the state liability principle. This article discusses the nexus between the state liability principle and WTO Law, in order to encourage national courts to exercise the function of state liability by referring to the infringement of economic rights caused by the violation of WTO Law.
The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region
The outbreak of the covid-19 outbreak is a significant threat in parts of the world, one of which is the Southeast Asia region. Facing these conditions, ASEAN as the largest regional institution that accommodates country cooperation in the Southeast Asia Region has agreed to work together to reduce the negative effects of the corona virus through a number of policies. Cooperation is carried out through ASEAN mechanisms to cooperation with other organizations. The various collaborations discuss a number of matters, including mitigation in the health sector, responses in the economic sector, as well as measures in the tourism and travel sector. However, in this cooperation there are a number of challenges for ASEAN regional cooperation in dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic such as the lack of information regarding the handling of Covid-19 received by ASEAN members, the slow response of ASEAN in dealing with Covid-19, the different policies taken by each member country further encouraging ASEAN to continue working to find solutions in tackling the Covid-19 pandemic. This research focuses on any efforts to deal with Covid-19. The methodology used is a qualitative research design. Researchers used the concept of the role of ASEAN and handling the pandemic to analyze this study. The results show that ASEAN member countries have a strategic role in tackling the spread of Covid-19 in a number of fields such as health, trade and socio-economy.
This study investigates the differences between the SOEs and non-SOEs financial performance and how the presidential election affects their performance. This study uses 3,716 firm-year observations for firms listed on the Indonesian Stock Exchange from 2001 to 2014 as the final sample and uses regression to test the hypotheses. In Indonesia, on average, about 25 parties involved in the presidential election in the past three elections. Due to the complexity of the data collection, this study omits the effect of the unique political parties that also could affect the performance of SOE. This study finds that SOEs outperform financial performance of non-SOEs over the sample periods. Interestingly, this study also finds that the excellent financial performance of SOEs disappears around the election period. It indicates that being a board member of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) is a political position rather than a professional position. For policymakers, these results indicate that election periods influence (reduce) the financial performance of SOEs in Indonesia. This study enhances our understanding of how presidential elections affect the performance of SOEs in Indonesia.
The urgency of the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia continues to increase. Companies in Indonesia are now focusing on CSR programs to assist the government in accelerating the handling of COVID-19. This study aims to examine the form of social support by implementing CSR on the official website pages of 5 State-Owned Enterprises. The type of research used in this research is qualitative using a qualitative content analysis approach. Sampling used non-probability sampling method. The technique used was purposive sampling by taking samples of news content and various CSR activities on the website pages of 5 State-Owned Enterprises. The data analysis technique uses data coding using a deductive approach. The value analysis of CSR activities is implemented and implementing CSR based on the value state of defense. Otherwise, three CSR pillars, namely People, Profit, and Planet, are implemented in various CSR activities covering education, health, environment, infrastructure, community empowerment, disaster management, and special assistance to affected communities. The Result of the seven categories, the three most frequently encountered are community economic empowerment support through Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) and health support and educational support. ; Urgensi pandemi COVID-19 di Indonesia terus meningkat, perusahaan-perusahaan di Indonesia kini fokus pada program CSR untuk membantu pemerintah dalam percepatan penanganan COVID-19. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji bentuk dukungan sosial melalui penerapan Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) pada laman resmi 5 Badan Usaha Milik Negara (BUMN). Jenis penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif dengan pendekatan analisis isi kualitatif. Pengambilan sampel menggunakan metode non probability sampling, sedangkan teknik yang digunakan adalah purposive sampling dengan mengambil sampel konten berita dan berbagai kegiatan CSR pada halaman website 5 BUMN, Sedangkan teknik analisis datanya menggunakan koding data menggunakan deduktif. pendekatan. Analisis nilai bagaimana pelaksanaan kegiatan CSR dan kemampuan melaksanakan CSR berdasarkan nilai bela negara. Selain itu, terdapat tiga pilar CSR yaitu Profit, People, dan Planet yang diimplementasikan dalam berbagai kegiatan CSR yang meliputi bidang pendidikan, kesehatan, lingkungan, infrastruktur, pemberdayaan masyarakat, penanggulangan bencana, dan bantuan khusus kepada masyarakat terdampak. Hasil dari ketujuh kategori tersebut, tiga yang paling banyak dijumpai adalah dukungan pemberdayaan ekonomi masyarakat melalui Usaha Mikro, Kecil, dan Menengah (UMKM) dan dukungan kesehatan dan pendidikan.
Problems arising from the relationship between Islam (dîn) and politics (siyâsah) became the polemics among Muslim political thinkers that have not been completely solved up until now. Hence, it is difficult to identify which countriy such as Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Algeria, and Indonesia, that deserves to be a representation of an Islamic state. The consequence of different understandings about the relationship between Islam and politics – in the case in Indonesia- is the emergence of Indonesian Islamic State (NII). This movement attracted a number of responses from Indonesian Muslim intellectuals. Using a sociohistorical-politics approach in discussing these responses as they do not agree about the establishment of the NII, will lead to an understanding of coercion and oppression of understanding group that is different from other groups. ; Problems arising from the relationship between Islam (dîn) and politics (siyâsah) became the polemics among Muslim political thinkers that have not been completely solved up until now. Hence, it is difficult to identify which countriy such as Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Algeria, and Indonesia, that deserves to be a representation of an Islamic state. The consequence of different understandings about the relationship between Islam and politics – in the case in Indonesia- is the emergence of Indonesian Islamic State (NII). This movement attracted a number of responses from Indonesian Muslim intellectuals. Using a sociohistorical-politics approach in discussing these responses as they do not agree about the establishment of the NII, will lead to an understanding of coercion and oppression of understanding group that is different from other groups.
