Suchergebnisse

Od grudnia 2012 roku do stycznia 2013 Fundacja "SocLab" i Fundacja "Ortus" (pionier medialabów w Polsce) zrealizowały badanie oceniające działania na rzecz budowy stałych instytucji typu medialab. Projekt był współfinansowany przez Ministerstwo Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego (MKiDN). Przeprowadzono ankiety wśród osób uczestniczących w warsztatach medialabowych Fundacji "Ortus" w latach 2010-2012 i deklarujących chęć udziału w takich warsztatach w przyszłości. Badanie objęło 52 osoby: 34 uczestników i 18 nie-uczestników.

On 16 March 2019 the amendment of the Act – the Industrial Property Law, which implemented the European Parliament and EU Council Directive 2015/2436 of 16 December 2015, aiming the rapprochement of legislation within the membership countries regarding trade marks. The essential change, that the amendment implemented is the cancellation of the necessity of graphical representation of the trade mark, what allows to simplify the registration of the unconventional trade marks. The purpose of the article is to present how the registration of unconventional trade marks looked within the light of the Luxembourg tribunal's statements. ; W dniu 16 marca 2019 r. weszła w życie nowelizacja ustawy Prawo własności przemysłowej, która implementowała dyrektywę Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady (UE) 2015/2436 z dnia 16 grudnia 2015 r. mającą na celu zbliżenie ustawodawstw państw członkowskich odnoszących się do znaków towarowych. Istotną zmianą, jaką wprowadziła nowelizacja, jest zniesienie wymogu graficznej przedstawialności znaku towarowego. Umożliwi to łatwiejszą rejestrację niekonwencjonalnych znaków towarowych. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie, jak w świetle orzecznictwa trybunału luksemburskiego przedstawiała się rejestracja niekonwencjonalnych znaków towarowych.

The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland's president by a small majority. Kaczyński's defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate. ; The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland's president by a small majority. Kaczyński's defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate.

The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased. ; The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased.

The judgment commented on here concerned the issue connected with the period for filing an appeal. The view was shared that the period for lodging an appeal begins on the day on which the administrative decision is served upon the party (com- municated orally to the party) and it is at this moment that the period commences, although the day on which an administrative decision is served is not counted when calculating this time limit. Therefore, on the very day on which an adminis- trative decision is served, the party may submit an appeal against it, an application to reconsider the matter or waive the right of appeal. An appeal, an application to reconsider the matter or a statement on waiving the right of appeal are legally effective, because they are submitted during period for the filing an appeal. not content of Art. 57 (1) of The Code of Administrative Proceedings, which regulates the way of calculating the time limit in days. Given the content of this provision, it cannot be assumed that the period for lodging an appeal commences on the day following the one on which the administrative decision is served. ; The judgment commented on here concerned the issue connected with the period for filing an appeal. The view was shared that the period for lodging an appeal begins on the day on which the administrative decision is served upon the party (com- municated orally to the party) and it is at this moment that the period commences, although the day on which an administrative decision is served is not counted when calculating this time limit. Therefore, on the very day on which an adminis- trative decision is served, the party may submit an appeal against it, an application to reconsider the matter or waive the right of appeal. An appeal, an application to reconsider the matter or a statement on waiving the right of appeal are legally effective, because they are submitted during period for the filing an appeal. not content of Art. 57 (1) of The Code of Administrative Proceedings, which regulates the way of ...

This paper analyzes the discussions and statements of Polish politicians concerning the system of decision-making in the Council of the European Union in the period after the European Convention concluded its work and the Treaty on a Constitution for Europe was signed. Particular attention is paid to the influence this discourse and the attitudes of political leaders exerted on Polish-German relations. ; This paper analyzes the discussions and statements of Polish politicians concerning the system of decision-making in the Council of the European Union in the period after the European Convention concluded its work and the Treaty on a Constitution for Europe was signed. Particular attention is paid to the influence this discourse and the attitudes of political leaders exerted on Polish-German relations.

The Treaty of Lisbon has introduced a number of significant changes that enable the European Union to participate in the works of other international organizations. It should however be underscored that there is still no single legal basis in the Treaties, which would clearly provide for EU membership in other international organizations. For this reason, the decisions on EU accession to other international organizations are usually based on a combination of several provisions of the Treaties at the same time. The Treaties also do not define the precise rules which would regulate the issue of statements by the EU and its Member States in other international organizations. These rules were adopted by the Council, Member States, the Commission and the European External Action Service on 22 October 2011, as the 'EU Statements in multilateral organizations – General Arrangements'. The General Arrangements' legal nature indicates that they are legally binding and, at least in part, their provisions constitute some kind of an agreement between the parties involved in their adoption.

Punktem wyjścia rozważań sensu stricto są tezy marcowe Lenina z 1916 r. Zawarte w nich twierdzenie o prawie narodów do samostanowienia skonfrontowane zostało z praktyką wdrażania tego prawa po październiku 1917 r., gdy w wyniku zwycięskiego przewrotu bolszewicy objęli władzę w państwie. Analizie poddane zostały pisma i wypowiedzi Lenina, a także Trockiego i Stalina, prześledzone skutki ich wdrażania (bądź nie) w sowieckiej rzeczywistości pierwszych lat po przewrocie, jak też w całym okresie funkcjonowania państwa "nowego typu".The starting point of these reflections sensu stricto are Lenin's March Theses of 1916. One of their statements, on the right of nations to self-determination, has been compared with the practical implementation of the right following the successful October Revolution of 1917, when the Bolsheviks took power in Russia. An analysis has been conducted of Lenin's writings and statements, but also of Trotsky and Stalin, and the consequences of their implementations (or not) have been followed both in the Soviet reality of first years after the coup, and throughout the whole period of existence of this "new type" of state.

Punktem wyjścia rozważań sensu stricto są tezy marcowe Lenina z 1916 r. Zawarte w nich twierdzenie o prawie narodów do samostanowienia skonfrontowane zostało z praktyką wdrażania tego prawa po październiku 1917 r., gdy w wyniku zwycięskiego przewrotu bolszewicy objęli władzę w państwie. Analizie poddane zostały pisma i wypowiedzi Lenina, a także Trockiego i Stalina, prześledzone skutki ich wdrażania (bądź nie) w sowieckiej rzeczywistości pierwszych lat po przewrocie, jak też w całym okresie funkcjonowania państwa "nowego typu".The starting point of these reflections sensu stricto are Lenin's March Theses of 1916. One of their statements, on the right of nations to self-determination, has been compared with the practical implementation of the right following the successful October Revolution of 1917, when the Bolsheviks took power in Russia. An analysis has been conducted of Lenin's writings and statements, but also of Trotsky and Stalin, and the consequences of their implementations (or not) have been followed both in the Soviet reality of first years after the coup, and throughout the whole period of existence of this "new type" of state.

For about two years, the language of the new authorities has been constituting in Poland, made up by the comments of Jarosław Kaczyński, Chairman of the Law and Justice (PiS) party, and enunciations of the most important state officials and experts loyal to the ruling party, members of parliament, senators, Catholic church authorities and journalists who support the idea of the so-called "Good Change." Many important, sometimes controversial words spoken by the representatives of the ruling camp appeal or directly concern democracy, its principles of operation or legitimacy. Due to the specificity, repetitive nature and regularity of these statements, one may speak of the formation of a "PiS-style democracy" discourse. The main rules of its formation are imposed by the chairman and ideologist of the ruling party and its programming documents. The presented article is therefore based primarily on statements made by the Chairman of Law and Justice and on the party's official programme. The starting point is the hypothesis that the PiS-style democracy discourse and discourse formations in the Fourth Republic of Poland analysed in the article do not only recall or paraphrase slogans dating back to the Polish People's Republic, but they also use cognitive categories, thought patterns and reasoning in line with the discourses imposed on Poles by the Soviets in the PPR era. The analysis shows that the discourses of the new authorities, in particular the PiS-style democracy discourse, emerge according to the rules of the discourses of Soviet dictatorship of the proletariat, as well as the democratic dictatorship of the PPR, imposed on Poles by the Soviet Union after World War II. Similarly, statements made by the representatives of the ruling camp concerning the development patterns of the economy and political practices, emerged under the influence of the rules of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine and the discourses of democracy in the Polish People's Republic. The PiS-style democracy discourse evokes their key ideologemes ...

For about two years, the language of the new authorities has been constituting in Poland, made up by the comments of Jarosław Kaczyński, Chairman of the Law and Justice (PiS) party, and enunciations of the most important state officials and experts loyal to the ruling party, members of parliament, senators, Catholic church authorities and journalists who support the idea of the so-called "Good Change." Many important, sometimes controversial words spoken by the representatives of the ruling camp appeal or directly concern democracy, its principles of operation or legitimacy. Due to the specificity, repetitive nature and regularity of these statements, one may speak of the formation of a "PiS-style democracy" discourse. The main rules of its formation are imposed by the chairman and ideologist of the ruling party and its programming documents. The presented article is therefore based primarily on statements made by the Chairman of Law and Justice and on the party's official programme. The starting point is the hypothesis that the PiS-style democracy discourse and discourse formations in the Fourth Republic of Poland analysed in the article do not only recall or paraphrase slogans dating back to the Polish People's Republic, but they also use cognitive categories, thought patterns and reasoning in line with the discourses imposed on Poles by the Soviets in the PPR era. The analysis shows that the discourses of the new authorities, in particular the PiS-style democracy discourse, emerge according to the rules of the discourses of Soviet dictatorship of the proletariat, as well as the democratic dictatorship of the PPR, imposed on Poles by the Soviet Union after World War II. Similarly, statements made by the representatives of the ruling camp concerning the development patterns of the economy and political practices, emerged under the influence of the rules of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine and the discourses of democracy in the Polish People's Republic. The PiS-style democracy discourse evokes their key ideologemes ...

The aim of this paper is to indicate the most important factors and circumstances (conditions) influencing the shape of the Polish state migration policy in the analyzed period, as well as to show their interdependence, evolution and the gradation of their impacts on this policy. The main thesis of the work is the statement that the migration situation of Poland, especially recently, is characterized by the high variability, and thus the importance of these conditions has been changing, and they have interacted with each other and evolved.

Mariusz Wielebski, Od orzeczenia o potrzebie kształcenia specjalnego do indywidualnego programu edukacyjno-terapeutycznego [From the decision on special education eligibility to an individual educational and therapeutic plan]. Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej, nr 22, Poznań 2018. Pp. 339-354. Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-391X. DOI: https://doi.org/10.14746/ikps.2018.22.19 In my article I would like to show the complicated way from the decision about special education to individual educational and therapeutic plan. I am going to show how government statements are sometimes hard and complicated for parents, teachers and other specialists, who are looking after the children with special educational needs. I try to show everyday life in my job – teacher, specialist of pedagogical therapy. I hope my article will help and change our reality. ; Mariusz Wielebski, Od orzeczenia o potrzebie kształcenia specjalnego do indywidualnego programu edukacyjno-terapeutycznego [From the decision on special education eligibility to an individual educational and therapeutic plan]. Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej, nr 22, Poznań 2018. Pp. 339-354. Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-391X. DOI: https://doi.org/10.14746/ikps.2018.22.19 In my article I would like to show the complicated way from the decision about special education to individual educational and therapeutic plan. I am going to show how government statements are sometimes hard and complicated for parents, teachers and other specialists, who are looking after the children with special educational needs. I try to show everyday life in my job – teacher, specialist of pedagogical therapy. I hope my article will help and change our reality.

Referring to the concept of the nation by Ernst Renan and the nation-building process of Antonina Kłoskowska, as well as based on Samuel Huntington's statements the author attempts to verify the hypothesis that the Polish national community retaining its demographic and ethnocultural core, undergoes Ukrainization in the sphere of collective consciousness. For this purpose, using the causal explanation and integral explanation of political actions and phenomena developed by Tadeusz Klementewicz, analyzes the impact of migration on nation-building processes, the status of Ukrainian citizens in Poland, the problems of assimilation and integration, and what speaks for the Ukrainization of the Polish nation.