Problem Durumu: Öùretmenlik mesleùi, özelliùi itibari ile doùrudan insan ile ilgili bir iütir. Bu nedenle insan iliükileri yoùun her meslekte olduùu gibi duygu düzenlemesini zorunlu k×lmaktad×r. Duygusal emek olarak adland×r×labilecek bu olgu, mesleki profesyonellik gereùi olarak da öùretmenlerden beklenmektedir. Öùretmenlik, bireysel, sosyal, kültürel, bilimsel, teknolojik boyutlar× olan profesyonel statüde bir eùitim mesleùidir. Günümüz eùitim anlay×ü×nda öùretmenlerden, öùrencilere rol model olmalar×, rehberlik etmeleri, öùrenmeyi öùretmeleri, demokratik tutum ve deùerleri kazand×rmalar× gibi pek çok rol beklenmektedir. Bunun yan×nda öùretmenlerin, eùitim ve öùretimin etkililiùinin saùlanmas×nda okul yöneticileriyle, meslektaülar×yla, velilerle ve diùer paydaülar×yla iübirliùi içerisinde bulunmalar× da gerekmektedir. Öùretmenlerin bütün bu rolleri yerine getirirken, bir profesyonel olarak, kiüisel sorunlar×n× iliükilerine yans×tmamaya özen göstermesi, görev yapt×ù× okulun formal ve informal normlar×na uygun davranmaya çal×ümas× gerekmektedir. Ancak bu anlamda duygular×n yönetilmesinin, psikolojik olarak öùretmenler üzerinde olumsuz etkilerinin olabileceùi öngörülebilir. Bu etkilerden biri de tükenmiülik duygusudur. Araüt×rman×n Amac×: Öùretmenlerinin duygusal emekleri ile tükenmiülik düzeyleri aras×ndaki iliükinin belirlenmesinin amaçland×ù× bu araüt×rmada üu sorulara yan×t aranm×üt×r: 1) Öùretmenlerin duygusal emek ve tükenmiülik düzeyleri nas×ld×r? 2) Öùretmenlerin duygusal emek ve tükenmiülik düzeyleri, cinsiyet, medeni durum, görev, okul türü ve branü deùiükenlerine göre farkl×laümakta m×d×r? 3) Öùretmenlerin duygusal emekleri tükenmiülik düzeylerini yordamakta m×d×r? Araüt×rman×n Yöntemi: Araüt×rma, tarama modelinde desenlenmiütir. Araüt×rman×n evrenini 2013-2014 eùitim öùretim y×l×nda, Kütahya ilinde görev yapan 5600 öùretmen oluüturmaktad×r. Örnekleme girecek öùretmenlerin belirlenmesinde orans×z küme örnekleme tekniùi kullan×lm×üt×r. Örneklem büyüklüùü, % 95 güven düzeyi için 360 olarak hesaplanm×üt×r. Ölçeklerin geri dönüüünde eksiklikler ve özensiz doldurma gibi nedenlerle araüt×rmada kullan×lamayacak ölçekler olabileceùi düüüncesi ile 500 öùretmenden görüü al×nmas×na karar verilmiütir. Elde edilen veri toplama araçlar×ndan kullan×labilir durumda olan 410 tanesi ile analizler yap×lm×üt×r. Araüt×rmada veri toplama arac× olarak Duygusal Emek Ölçeùi ve Maslach Tükenmiülik Ölçeùi kullan×lm×üt×r. Araüt×rmada öùretmenlerin duygusal emek ile tükenmiülik düzeylerini belirlemek amac×yla betimsel istatistikler, ikili karü×laüt×rmalarda t-testi, üç ve daha fazla boyutu olan karü×laüt×rmalarda tek yönlü varyans analizi (ANOVA) kullan×lm×üt×r. Öùretmenlerin duygusal emeklerinin, tükenmiülik düzeylerini anlaml× bir üekilde yorday×p yordamad×ù×n× belirlemek için ise Çoklu Regresyon analizi kullan×lm×üt×r. Araüt×rman×n Bulgular×: Araüt×rmaya kat×lan öùretmenler duygusal emek aç×s×ndan, en az yüzeysel rol yapma (AO=2.51, S=0.95) davran×ü×nda bulunmaktad×r. Bunu, derinden rol yapma (AO=3.71, S=0.92) ve doùal duygular (AO=4.16, S=0.72) izlemektedir. Tükenmiülik aç×s×ndan ise öùretmenler en yüksek tükenmiülik düzeyine duygusal tükenme (AO=1.51, S=0.70) boyutunda sahiptir. Bunu s×ra ile kiüisel baüar×s×zl×k (AO=1.36, S=0.63) ve duyars×zlaüma (AO=1.03, S=0.77) boyutlar× takip etmektedir. Öùretmenlerin tükenmiülik düzeyleri, duygusal tükenme boyutunda "orta", kiüisel baüar×s×zl×k ve duyars×zlaüma boyutlar×nda ise "düüük" düzeydedir. Öùretmenlerin duygusal emekleri cinsiyet, medeni durum, görev, okul türü ve branü deùiükenlerine göre farkl×laümaktad×r. Erkek öùretmenler kad×n öùretmenlere göre [t(408)=3.10; p<.05]; evli öùretmenler evli olmayan öùretmenlere göre [t(408)=2.62; p<.05]; okul yöneticileri öùretmenlere göre [t(408)=2.24; p<.05] daha fazla yüzeysel rol yapma davran×ü× göstermektedir. Öùretmenler ise okul yöneticilerine göre [t(408)=2.10; p<.05] daha fazla doùal davran×ülar göstermektedir. Ayr×ca ilkokul öùretmenleri genel lise öùretmenlerine göre daha fazla yüzeysel [F(3- 406)=4.13; p<.05] ve derinden rol yapma [F(3-406)=2.62; p<.05], genel lise ve meslek lisesi öùretmenlerine göre [F(3-406)=6.69; p<.05] daha fazla doùal davran×ülar göstermektedir. Öùretmenlik tükenmiülik düzeyleri, cinsiyet, medeni durum ve görev (okul yöneticisi, öùretmen) deùiükenlerine göre farkl×l×k göstermemekte; ancak görev yap×lan okul türü deùiükenine göre farkl×laümaktad×r. Meslek liselerinde görev yapan öùretmenlerin duyars×zlaüma düzeyleri [F(3-406)=4.53; p<.05], ilkokullarda görev yapan öùretmenlerden daha fazlad×r. Öùretmenlerin duygusal emeklerinin, duygusal tükenmiülik düzeylerini yorday×p yormad×ù×n×n belirlenmesi amac× ile yap×lan çoklu regresyon analizi yap×l×üt×r. Regresyon analizi sonuçlar×na göre yüzeysel rol yapma ve doùal duygular, öùretmenlerin hem duygusal tükenmesinin hem de duyars×zlaümas×n×n önemli yorday×c×lar×d×r. Ancak derinden rol yapma duygusal tükenme ve duyars×zlaüma üzerinde anlaml× düzeyde etkili deùildir. Öùretmenlerin kiüisel baüar×s×zl×k duygusunu ise duygusal emeùin boyutlar×n×n tümü yordamaktad×r. Duygusal emeùin boyutlar× tümü birlikte, öùretmenlerin duygusal tükenmiülik düzeylerinin % 7'sini, duyars×zlaüman×n % 16's×n×, kiüisel baüar×s×zl×k duygusunun ise % 15'ini aç×klamaktad×r. Duygusal tükenmiülik ile yüzeysel yapma aras×nda pozitif ve düüük (r=0.24); doùal duygular ile negatif ve düüük (r=-0.13) düzeyde bir iliüki bulunmuütur. Duyars×zlaüma ile yüzeysel yapma aras×nda pozitif ve orta (r=0.31); doùal duygular ile negatif ve düüük (r=0.31) düzeyde bir iliüki bulunmuütur. Derinden rol yapma ile duygusal tükenme ve duyars×zlaüma aras×nda iliüki bulunmamaktad×r. Kiüisel baüar×s×zl×k duygusu ile yüzeysel yapma aras×nda pozitif ve düüük (r=0.12); derinden rol yapma ile negatif ve düüük (r=-0.22), doùal duygular ile negatif ve orta (r=-0.35) düzeyde bir iliüki bulunmuütur. Araüt×rman×n Sonuç ve Önerileri: Araüt×rma sonucuna göre, öùretmenlerin duygusal emekleri, onlar×n hem duygusal tükenmiüliklerini hem de duyars×zlaümalar×n× önemli düzeyde düzeyde yordamaktad×r. Bu araüt×rmada duygusal emek, öùretmenlerin mesleki profesyonellik gereùi oynamas× gereken roller olarak ele al×nm×üt×r. Ancak çal×üanlardan beklenen rollerin örgütlerde tahakküme dayal×, profesyonelliùe ve etik ilkelere uymayan, davran×ülar olmas× olas×l×ù× da bulunmaktad×r. Bu nedenle öùretmenlerin yüzeysel rol yapma davran×ülar×n×n nedenlerinin ortaya konulmas× önemlidir. Bu çerçevede bu konuda yap×lacak araüt×rmalar×n nitel olarak desenlenmesi de derinlemesine ve daha ayr×nt×l× bilgi edinmeye katk× saùlayabilir. ; Problem Statement: In the present educational perception, teachers are expected to fulfill many roles, such as becoming role models for students, guiding them, teaching them to learn and instilling democratic attitudes and values within them. In addition, teachers should be in collaboration with the school administration, colleagues, parents and other stakeholders for effective teaching and learning. While fulfilling these roles, teachers should make a conscientious effort not to reflect their personal problems onto their relationships in schools, and should try to behave in compliance with formal and informal norms as professionals. However, it is possible to predict that the regulation of emotions may have a negative impact on teachers in terms of their psychology. Burnout can be described as one of those impacts. Purpose of the Study: The purpose of this research is to determine the relationship between teachers' emotional labor and burnout level. Method: The sample for this survey study consists of 410 teachers working in the schools located in the city center of Kü tahya. The data was collected using the Emotional Labor Scale and the Burnout Scale. Descriptive statistics, t-tests, ANOVA and regression analysis were used for analyzing the data. Findings: Results indicate that the teachers exhibit surface acting the least in terms of emotional labor. This is followed by deep acting and naturallyfelt emotions. In terms of burnout, teachers have the highest burnout level when they experience emotional exhaustion, which is followed by a lack of personal accomplishment and depersonalization, respectively. Results of the regression analysis show that surface acting and naturally-felt emotions are the important predictors for both emotional exhaustion and the depersonalization of teachers. However, deep acting does not have a significant impact on emotional exhaustion and depersonalization. Teachers' lack of personal accomplishment is predicted by all aspects of emotional labor. Aspects of emotional labor, as a whole, explain 7% of the emotional exhaustion level of teachers, 16% of depersonalization, and 15% of the lack of personal accomplishment. Conclusion and Recommendations: This study considers emotional labor as a role that should be taken by teachers as a part of their occupational professionalism. However, it is possible that the roles expected from teachers may be based on dominance, non-professional or unethical behaviors. Thus, it is important to reveal the reasons behind teachers' surface acting behaviors. Therefore, designing such studies on the basis of a qualitative approach will contribute to a deeper understanding of these behaviors
How did bilateral relations between Italy and Ethiopia-Eritrea evolved after the colonial period? What was the impact of the Italian economic presence on the economy of Ethiopia and Eritrea in the post-colonial period? Why since the end of the World War II has been existing in Ethiopia a widespread pro-Italian judgment despite the colonial past? The purpose of this research is to answer to such questions. Description of the research Chapter 1 is dedicated to the evolution of the bilateral relations between Italy and Ethiopia between 1947 and 1955. The Treaty of Peace, signed in Paris on February 10, 1947, imposed to Italy, among the other provisions, the recognition of the independence of Ethiopia, the renouncement of claims to colonies including Eritrea and the payment of war reparations to Ethiopia. These issues took time to be actually solved. Especially with regard to the future of Eritrea the tensions between Italy and Ethiopia flared up despite the fact that diplomatic relations were resumed at the beginning of 1952. In addition there were complex negotiations on the amount of the war reparations to be paid. Finally, the artworks carried away from Ethiopia during the occupation period were returned with delay and in several tranches between 1954 and 2005. As a general consideration, the whole picture of the bilateral relations between 1947 and the beginning of the '70s shows the alternation of long periods of strong tension with shorter ones of détente. Chapter 2 and 3 outline the main characteristics and the evolution of the Italian economic presence in Ethiopia and in Eritrea between 1941 and 1974. The first years after 1941 were extremely troubled. Many Italians were expelled from the two countries, many were confined to concentration camps, and in Ethiopia many became clandestines in order not to be forced to leave the country. In the late '40s, Italians in Eritrea became the target of terrorist actions by the shifta. Many Italians were killed and several companies managed by them were destroyed or seriously damaged. Italians went through other serious difficulties in the early '70s when the growing guerrilla made Eritrea highly insecure. Despite these difficulties Italians kept on carrying out their activities that flourished in the '50s and the '60s but were decimated by the nationalizations of the Derg during the first half of the '70s. Main Results With regard to the bilateral relations Italian diplomatic documents show the will of both parties to reach an agreement on the post war issues. However it was a very tough negotiation, as expected. In contrast to the belief expressed in some relevant and well-known works, i.e. Del Boca's one, the complexity of such a negotiation seems to be due more to the Ethiopian tactics than to the alleged Italian purpose to delay the final settlement. Furthermore it is crystal clear that one of the top priority of the Italian Government in negotiating was to protect the Italian communities in Ethiopia and Eritrea. This result is in contrast with what affirmed by Del Boca in particular, who stressed a sort of lack of interest of Italy in the co-nationals resident in the two countries. Chapter 2 and 3 shows that the efforts of Italians workers and entrepreneurs in Ethiopia and Eritrea after the end of the occupation are worthy of note and memory. Such efforts testify to an extraordinary commitment. Italians arrived in Ethiopia and Eritrea with dreams and hopes that many were finally able to see come true. Some of their stories are uniquely interesting. Emperor Haile Selassie undoubtedly played a significant role in fostering the rapid development of Italian economic activities and in shaping fruitful and cooperative relations between Italians and Ethiopians. He protected the Italians because he was deeply convinced of the important economic role that Italians would still have been able to play in Ethiopia, not only in the early post-occupation period, but also for the future of the country. Italian economic presence was strong in quantity and quality both in Ethiopia and Eritrea. However it is quite clear that throughout the period between 1941 and 1974 the incidence of Italian economic activities was significantly higher in Eritrea than Ethiopia. Italian firms were modern and efficient, and they were the backbone of the economy of Eritrea. The higher impact of our entrepreneurs in Eritrea was due to the longer stay of Eritrea itself under the Italian Government, which resulted in a much larger Italian community in Eritrea than in Ethiopia, both in absolute and relative terms. Almost the entire industrial and advanced agricultural sectors in Eritrea was in hands of the Italians. Provided that at the beginning of the '50s, the 80% of manufacturing plants of the Ethio-Eritrean Federation was based in Eritrea, it must concluded that the incidence of the Italian companies in the whole industrial sector was huge. In addition, except for the Italian activities, there were only a few other companies, especially in the agricultural and commercial sectors, managed by Eritreans or expatriates of other communities. In agriculture, where traditional ways and means of cultivation and a subsistence production still prevailed, the big agricultural and agro-processing companies run by the Italians were extraordinarily efficient. The Italians used modern techniques and machinery. They diversified their production. They also built dams, irrigation systems and major infrastructure projects for the reclamation of land to production. Even before the 50's and increasingly in the following decades, the Italian agricultural firms were able to export to neighboring markets, after meeting domestic demand. For the rest, the Eritrean economy was based on subsistence and largely unproductive agriculture. Italian activities strongly contributed to the national economy. In the economy of the Empire, characterized by a very low incidence of industrial development and the export of a few agricultural products (coffee, hides, oilseeds), the production for export made by Italian companies represented a unique economic opportunity for the entire country. The contribution of Italian economic activities was more evident in Eritrea than in Ethiopia. According to many sources, if Eritrean exports and imports would have been precisely accounted for - that is without considering the value of the goods that passed through Eritrea, but whose final destination was Ethiopia - Eritrea's trade deficit would have been significantly reduced or even zeroed out. Furthermore, the presence of flourishing Italian companies had positive repercussions also on the Eritrean state budget thanks to the tax 5 income they produced. By the way, the rates applied to Italian companies were much higher than those applied to local ones. The Italian business elite was also able to translate in images the social renewal processes of the 50's and the 60's. The buildings designed by Arturo Mezzedimi were perhaps the most evident symbols of such ability. Such buildings represented the avant-garde architecture of those years. Another building contractor, Mario Buschi, very active throughout the Empire, highly contributed to shape the modern image of Addis Ababa. The statistics shows that from 1957 to 1974 Italy was, together with USA, the main commercial partner of the Ethiopian Empire. Even in the period 1941-1951, during which official diplomatic relations between Italy and Ethiopia were absent, the bilateral trade was relevant and in particular Italy was in those years the first importer from Ethiopia. These exceptional results were due indeed to Italian resident community that with its economic activities highly contributed to nurture commercial flows from and to Italy. The good relations between the Italians who remained after 1941 and the Ethiopians played a decisive role in rapidly archiving the memory of the Italians as colonizers. Indeed such relationship was generally dominated by a constructive spirit of cooperation and probably fueled by some deep affinity of character between our two peoples. They were the Italians that contributed to maintain a good image of Italy in Ethiopia even during the absence of official diplomatic relations or at times of misunderstandings and difficulties in the dialogue between the two governments. In decades of coexistence the Italians and Ethiopians have been able to establish a fruitful dialogue, marked by mutual understanding, esteem and respect. Workplaces were the main venue where such a dialogue has taken its shape. The author spent 4 years in Ethiopia, from 2008 to 2012, as head of the commercial section of the Italian Embassy. This experience allowed her to learn parts of the history of the Italian community in Ethiopia and in Eritrea between 1941 and 1974 directly from the present generations of Italian businessmen resident in Ethiopia. The author also had the opportunity to consult Italians' personal archives in which she could find documents and books that are not anymore on the market and difficult to find in libraries. Her personal experience and knowledge of the country and the people added depth to this work that is however based almost exclusively on written sources.
The paper presented here is the country research and has an analytical character concerning a regional aspect of the public procurement system in Belarus. Stages of the public procurements system's formation and its legislative base and the development of the electronicization of purchases are considered. The public procurement system at the sub- national level is analyzed and weak points are emphasized. Corruption aspects and ways of their minimization in the public procurement activity are showed. Debatable issues and ways of procurement activity improvement in Belarus regions are presented. The methodology of research is based on the analysis of a series of data on public procurements in the regions of Belarus, including budgetary expenditures on public procurement in the local governments of the Belarus regions and the e-auctions procurement at the Universal Commodity Exchange. Statistical data for analysis was obtained from official sources, such as the State Statistics Committees, Ministry of Finance, Open Joint Stock Company (OJSC) Belarusian Universal Commodity Exchange, and on-line databases of analytical centres working in this field, etc. ; Представленная статья является страновым исследованием и имеет аналитический характер. В ней затронут региональный аспект системы общественных закупок в Беларуси. Методология исследования базируется на анализе серии данных по публичным закупкам в регионах Беларуси, включая бюджетные расходы на закупки в местных органах власти, а также на закупки по электронным аукционам на Белорусской универсальной товарной бирже. Статистические данные в этой статье получены из официальных источников, таких как государственный Комитет по статистике, Министерство финансов, ОАО Белорусская универсальная товарная биржа, а также базы данных аналитических интерент-центров, работающих в этой сфере, и т.д. Публичные закупки являются очень большой и важной темой в системе администрирования Республике Беларусь. Анализ закупочной деятельности на уровне поднациональных правительств показал, что в системе закупок существует серьезный методологический недостаток. Публичные закупки в Беларуси рассматриваются, как самостоятельная тема вне контекста управленческих задач, и регулируются отдельно, вне специфики и задач регионального и местного управления. В свою очередь региональное и местное управление регулируется отдельно, вне специфики и задач публичных закупок. Между ними нет существенных взаимосвязей. Проблема заключается в том, не определено место публичных закупок в системе регионального и местного управления. Единственной взаимосвязью между этими двумя направлениями является то, что госзакупки осуществляются за счет средств центрального и местного бюджетов и внебюджетных фондов. Отсутствие серьезных взаимосвязей между системой закупок и региональным и местным управлением вызвано отчасти тем, что в Беларуси нет четко закрепленных расходных полномочий и функций в поднациональных правительствах. Существующие функции достаточно размыты и законодательно не закреплены. Это позволяет, например, осуществлять расходы по закупкам вышестоящих правительств вместо нижестоящих, и даже наоборот. Другой причиной отсутствия взаимосвязей между этими направлениями является нежелание властей создавать специфику для региональных и муниципальных закупок, аргументируя это необходимостью универсализации и унификации закупочной деятельности, а также наличием исключительно государственного управления на всех уровнях в Беларуси. Между тем, такая региональная и муниципальная специфика закупок и ее механизмы должны иметь право на существование. Острыми дискуссионными вопросами остаются проблемы прозрачности, подотчетности и оценки результативности публичных закупок местными правительствами, местным сообществом, средствами массовой информации, гражданами. Создание и функционирование сайтов по размещению закупок является важ- ным шагом в деле повышения уровня их прозрачности, но далеко недостаточным с позиций подотчетности и оценки эффективности проведенных закупок. Так информация о публичных закупках и акты законодательства об общественных закупках размещаются в открытом доступе на официальном сайте. К информации о публичных закупках относятся годовые планы государственных закупок, приглашения к участию в процедурах закупок, документы, представляемые участнику для подготовки предложения на участие в открытом конкурсе, электронном аукционе, сообщения о результатах процедур публичных закупок, сведения о договорах, определяемые советом министров Республики Беларусь, список поставщиков (подрядчиков и исполнителей), временно не допускаемых к участию в процедурах публичных закупок, а также изменения и дополнения к ним, протоколы заседаний комиссий по вопросам открытия предложений, отклонения предложений и подведения итогов процедуры публичной закупки в случае проведения открытых конкурсов и электронных аукционов. Сообщение о результате процедуры государственной закупки заказчик размещает в открытом доступе на официальном сайте, а в случае проведения электронного аукциона – на электронной торговой площадке. Вместе с тем, на официальном сайте не публикуются контракты, заключенные в результате проведения процедур публичных закупок. Как следствие общественность и участники торгов не имеют возможности проследить и проконтролировать процедуру публичной закупки от размещения приглашения до заключения контракта. Статистика официального сайта публичных закупок в Беларуси показывает, что сообщения о результатах процедур закупок размещается только в половине случаев, что является прямым нарушением действующего законодательства. Это свидетельствует о том, что уполномоченный орган по государственным закупкам, каким является Министерство торговли, не справляется с контролем всех процедур государственных закупок, тогда как эта проблема могла бы быть решена с помощью простых программных средств. Таким образом, можно констатировать, что информация о проведении закупок не полна и не достаточно легко доступна. На наш взгляд, сообщение о результатах процедуры публичных закупок должно публиковаться на официальном сайте при проведении всех видов процедур закупок, кроме тех случаев, когда сведения о государственных закупках составляют государственные секреты. Более того, сообщение о результате процедуры закупки должно включать не только цену заключенного контракта, но и полное тендерное предложение каждого участника торгов вместе с критериями оценки предложений и обоснованием выбора победителя конкурсной комиссией. Необходимо также обеспечить видимость содержания договоров, заключенных в результате проведения процедур публичных закупок. В данном реестре должен публиковаться на официальном сайте полный текст договора со всеми дополнениями и спецификациями, а до официальной публикации договор должен считаться недействительным. В целях повышения уровня прозрачности и снижения уровня коррупционных рисков в системе закупок необходимо шире внедрять электронные аукционы. Такой вид конкурсной системы государственных закупок должен в перспективе заменить все другие традиционные виды закупок и стать доминирующим в закупочной деятельности. Одним из преимуществ электронного аукциона является возможности просмотра всех процедур, начиная от объявления предложения на закупку до исполнения договоров поставщиками. Между тем на практике, как заказчики, так и поставщики неохотно идут на публичные закупки через электронный аукцион, предпочитая традиционные закупки, поскольку при этом сохраняются возможности сведения закупок к неконкурентной форме закупок из одного источника. Тем самым это способствует существованию коррупциогенного поля в закупочной деятельности. Электронные аукционы, наоборот, препятствуют стремлениям поставщика и покупателя свести закупки к неконкурентным торгам из одного источника. С этих позиций это снижает коррупционные риски. В перспективе необходимо также доработать электронные аукционы, дополнительно включив туда процедуры предквалификацонного отбора поставщиков услуг. Серьезную озабоченность вызывает отсутствие контроля и мониторинга за публичными закупками со стороны негосударственных организаций, которые могли бы защищать общественные интересы. Это необходимо вложить в специальную антикоррупционную программу в сфере публичных закупок, которая должна быть разработана Министерством торговли, и которая к настоящему времени отсутствует. Не менее важным дискуссионным вопросом выступает отмена существующей дискриминации в отношении иностранных поставщиков и подрядчиков. Как известно, новый Закон о закупках предусматривает введение национального режима в отношении товаров (работ, услуг) иностранного происхождения и поставщиков (подрядчиков, исполнителей), предлагающих такие товары (работы, услуги), в случае, если аналогичный режим установлен иностранным государством или группой иностранных государств. На наш взгляд, такая мера значительно снижает конкурентную среду и урезает равные возможности иностранных компаний в качестве поставщиков. Привлечение международных фирм и компаний к участию в процедурах публичных закупок может не только усилить конкуренцию в закупочной деятельности, сэкономив значительные бюджетные средства, но и в существенной степени снизить коррупционные риски в общественном секторе экономики, где осуществляются закупки на крупные суммы. В этой связи необходимо исключить дискриминационные меры, предусмотренные в действующем законодательстве, в отношении иностранных товаров и компаний, чтобы обеспечить равные возможности для всех участников торгов. Проведенное исследование показывает, что Беларусь еще далека от достижения развитых форм и методов публичных закупок. Несмотря на внедрение в практику в последние годы новых форм и методов закупок, соответствующих мировой практике, степень централизации публичных закупок остается очень высокой. Публичные закупки на региональном уровне остаются связанными в позиции их зависимости от центра и его органов. Степень децентрализации, поэтому в системе публичных закупок, является очень низкой. Состояние публичных закупок в целом зеркально отражают существующую ситуацию в сфере децентрализации управления на локальном уровне. Дальнейшая эволюция публичных закупок в Беларуси определенно потребует углубления и улучшения их законодательной базы, которая в настоящее время очень запутана и сложна для понимания. Ясно, что законодательная база должна быть пересмотрена и реформирована в направлении создания определенной специфики публичных закупок на региональном и местном уровнях, ликвидации дискриминации участников закупок из стран Европейского Союза и других зарубежных участников. Предстоит предпринять ряд важных антикоррупционных мер в закупочной деятельности. В этой области необходимо создать механизм, отторгающий интересы участников в неконкурентных процедурах торгов, одной из которых выступают закупки из одного источника. Одновременно следует стимулировать участие покупателей и продавцов в электронных аукционах, обеспечивающих прозрачность и подотчетность в публичных закупках. Очевидно, что следует создать специальный закупочный механизм для местного и регионального самоуправления, который должен быть достаточно децентрализованным. Необходимо предоставить больше прав местным и региональным властям в организации и упрощении закупочных процедур, ликвидировать многоступенчатость в принятии решений по закупкам местных правительств, что значительно сократит бюрократические процедуры в закупочной деятельности.
Tutkielma esittelee blogisaation käsitteen, jonka avulla kuvataan yhtä aikaa journalismin viimeaikaista kehitystä ja tämän kehityksen sijoittumista osaksi laajempaa poliittisen ja yhteiskunnallisen elämän muutosta Venäjällä. Tutkimuksen päätehtävä on tarkastella journalistien ja bloggaajien välisiä suhteita venäläisessä journalismissa noin vuodesta 2001 vuoteen 2013. Ensiksi työ liittyy laajempaan keskusteluun journalismisesta professionalismista ja joukkoviestinnän rooleista moderneissa yhteiskunnissa. Bloggauksen voi nähdä vaihtoehtoisena ja uutena käytäntönä tai jopa käännekohtana journalismin kehityksessä. Bloggaus avaa kiinnostavan kehyksen, jossa voimme tarkastella joukkoviestinnän piirissä meneillään olevia symbolisia kamppailuja ja siellä kehittyviä identiteettirakennelmia. Toiseksi tutkimus tarkastelee journalismin blogisaatiota sana laajempaa yhteiskunnallis-poliittista modernisaatiota ja sen ymmärtämistä. Tässä mielessä Venäjä on erityisen relevantti ja kiinnostava esimerkki. Blogisaation avaaman näkökulman kautta onkin mahdollista paitsi pohtia journalismin muutosta myös arvioida yleisemmin "transitologiaa". Tämä tutkimusnäkökulma jäsentää Venäjän poliittisen ja joukkoviestintäympäristön viimeaikaisen historian muutoksena kohti demokraattisempaa ja modernimpaa yhteiskuntaa. Tutkimuksen ydinaineiston muodostaa yhtäältä kahdeksan LiveJournal-alustalla toimivan bloggaajan työn tarkastelu. Bloggaajien kohdalla on mahdotonta arvioida heidän määrällistä tai sisällöllistä "edustavuuttaan", mutta kaikki valitut esimerkkitapaukset ovat olleet merkittäviä venäläisen journalismin blogisaation prosessissa. Toisaalta käytän hyväkseni myös media-aineistoa. Tämäkään aineisto ei ole suoraviivaisesti edustavaa tai systemaattisesti kattavaa suhteessa venäläiseen mediamaisemaan. Se kattaa kuitenkin monipuolisesti ne poliittiset, taloudelliset ja teknologiset ulottuvuudet, joilla venäläinen media toimii. Mukana on kolmenlaisia tiedotusvälineitä: televisiokanavia jotka tavoittavat laajimman yleisön, erityisille sosiaali/yleisöryhmille suunnattuja sanomalehtiä sekä verkkojulkaisuja jotka on suunnattu joko nuorisolle, keskiluokalle tai älymystölle. Tutkimuksen pääkysymys on operationalisoitu jakamalla se neljään alakysymykseen, joita tarkastelen neljässä luvussa. Luku 4 rakentaa kuvan yhteisestä tilasta, jossa joukkoviestimet ja bloggaajat toimivat. Luvun keskeisiä väitteitä ovat, että median konvergenssi ja "joukkotuotteliaisuuden" (mass produsage) kulttuuri purkaa rajoja joukkoviestinnän ja keskinäisviestinnän väliltä ja että venäläisen perinteisen joukkoviestinnän pysyvyyden takeena on valtion strateginen kontrolli. Verkkomedia puolestaan on vähemmän altis näiden valtion resurssien vaikutukselle. Tämän vuoksi blogisaatio viriää haasteena vallitsevalle valtiollis-kaupalliselle journalismin mallille. Vaikka blogisaation vaikutukset koko mediajärjestelmään ovat rajoitetut, ne nostavat esiin tärkeitä mediaeettisiä kysymyksiä. Työ tuo myös esiin (epäsuoraa) todistusaineistoa siitä, että venäläinen poliittinen järjestelmä pyrkii kaappaamaan, epäpolitisoimaan ja ajoittain häiritsemään blogosfäärin rajoittamatonta toimintaa. Luku 5 tarkastelee journalisti-bloggaaja suhteita symbolisen pääoman ja journalistisen kentän hierarkioiden uusintamisen näkökulmasta. Tässä näkökulmassa valtion poliittinen metapääoma on keskeinen voimavara venäläiselle joukkoviestinnälle, joka on valtion kontrolloimaa ja lojaalia Kremlin politiikalle. Ne bloggaajat ja journalistit, jotka ovat vähemmän tämän kontrollin piirissä ja siten kriittisempiä Kremlin politiikkaa kohtaan, nojaavat toiminnassaan enemmän tiheiden digitaalisten verkostojen ja journalistisen vertaistunnuksen tarjoamaan pääomaan. Luvussa tarkastellaan Aleksei Navalni ja Leonid Parfenovin esimerkkien kautta sitä, millainen potentiaali blogisaatioon vaihtoehtoisten poliittisten keskusten luojana sisältyy. Luku 6 erittelee näkyviin bloggaamisen esiin nostamia diskursiivisia ydinelementtejä ja näiden artikuloinnin – ja uudelleënartikuloinnin logiikkaa. Esiin nostetaan neljä keskeistä kysymystä tai elementtiä, jotka liittyvät journalistiseen autonomiaan, uskottavuuteen, subjektiivisuuteen ja vastuullisuuteen. Analyysi paljastaa, että blogisaation diskursiivista kenttää hallitsee eronteon logiikka, jossa "journalisti" ja "bloggaaja" ja heidän erottamisensa häilyvyys tuottaa kentälle epävarmuutta. Luvun ydinhavainto on, että blogisaatio ei suinkaan luo itselleen uutta journalistista tilaa jakamalla kenttää näihin kahteen identiteettiin, vaan tuottaa aikaisempaa monimutkaisempia rakenteita toimijoiden identifikaatioille. Luku 7 käsittelee blogisaatio-diskurssin muotoutumista ja sen jäsentämään laajempaa yhteiskunnallista haastetta vielä uudella tavalla. Väitteeni on, että blogisaatio diskurssina jäsentyy ja jakautuu noudattaen vanhaa venäläistä filosofista jakolinjaa slavofiilien ja länsimielisten välillä. Nämä kaksi traditiota ruokkivat kahta kilpailevaa diskurssiasemaa. Nämä ovat hegemoninen konservatiivinen ja sen liberaali vastapositio. Hegemonisen diskurssin takeena toimivat Venäjällä konservatiiviset voimat, jotka kontrolloivat valtavirran joukkoviestimiä samaan tapaan kuin slavofiilit aikanaan. Hegemonisen diskurssin valta-asema nojaa ajatukseen vastuullisesta journalismista, joka kritisoi bloggaamista uskottavuuden puutteesta ja joka oikeuttaa media autonomisuuden puutteen uhkaavalla kaaoksella. Hegemoniaa haastava vastadiskurssi puolestaan nojaa länsimaisuuden kuvastoon ja se leimataankin usein "liberaaliksi". Se nojaa yksilöllisen autonomia, vapauden, subjektiivisuuden ja tyylien moninaisuuden kuvastoon. Viime vuosien kaupallistuminen, poliittisen klientelismi ja median itsesensuuri ovat kutakuinkin syrjäyttäneet rippeetkin Venäjän itsenäisestä ja yhteiskunnallisesti orientoituneesta journalismista. Tämän ovat yhä enemmän panneet merkille myös mediatutkijat. Voidaanko siis blogisaation puitteissa puhua uudelleen virinneestä avoimuuden politiikasta, Glasnost 2.0 versiosta? Vai onko osuvampaa nostaa esiin entistä tarmokkaampi poliisin urkinta, seurantatyö ja sensuurin leviäminen digitaalisiin verkostoihin. Ero myöhäisen Neuvostoliiton Glasnostilla ja nykyisen mediakehityksen luoman avoimuuden väillä on se että ennen mainittu oli ylhäältä alas suuntautunut, suunniteltu ja tietoinen kampanja kun taas jälkimmäinen on suurimmaksi osaksi alhaalta ylös suuntautuva spontaani liike. Tämä ero saattaa loppujen lopuksi olla perustavaa laatua. ; Blogization is the term that describes the current state of Russian journalism and considers its broader implications for political and social life. This research argues that convergence and mass "produsage" culture dissolves boundaries between mass and interpersonal communications; that the stability of traditional mass media in Russia is secured by the strategic control and support of the state; that online media are less susceptible to the influence of the state. Accordingly, blogization becomes a challenging factor for the otherwise prevalent journalistic model of statist commercialism. There is also evidence that the Russian political system tries to co-opt, depoliticize, and at times disrupt the uncontrolled advances of the blogosphere. Journalists and bloggers, less controlled by the state and critical of the Kremlin, rely on the dense digital networks of social capital and the journalistic capital of peer-recognition. This is demonstrated by cases of blogger Aleksey Navalny and journalist Leonid Parfenov as examples of blogization's potential to create alternative centers of political capital. The project's core empirical data includes eight examples of mass media and eight Russian bloggers, who are all important actors in the blogization process. The media sub-sample does not claim to be exhaustive or strictly representative of the Russian media landscape. It is however relatively diverse in terms of political, economic and technological contexts. It includes three types of media: television as the medium with the largest audience; newspapers targeted to specific social groups; and online publications popular among younger generations, the middle class and intellectuals. The sub-sample of bloggers includes individuals with large readerships who come from various backgrounds and professional orientations: pro-Kremlin and oppositional bloggers, trained journalists and blogging celebrities. It also covers different genres ranging from investigative and opinionated reporting, to facts, aggregate stories, and daily life reflections. The initial overview of relations between journalism and blogging is based on official reports and media statistics. Qualitative findings are drawn from textual examples of where and how discussions of journalism and blogging appear and evolve over time. These texts cover a time period from March 2003 through to June 2013. While various sets of quantitative data provide contextual background, the qualitative data highlights crucial examples of the development of relations between journalism and blogging in Russia. Blogization is a highly contested term where various meanings are attached to ideas of journalistic autonomy, credibility, subjectivity, and responsibility. Analysis of mass media and blogs reveals that the very use of the words "journalist" and "blogger" serves as catalyst for undecidability. The key finding in this respect is that blogization does not split the "new" journalistic space directly into journalists and bloggers, but this borderline creates the more complex structures of identification. This work also addresses the formation and contestation of the discourse of blogization in Russia. It argues that blogization as a discourse becomes divided along old philosophical traditions of slavophilism and westernism. These two traditions are sources for two competing discourses: hegemonic conservative and liberal counter-hegemonic. Hegemony is secured by the conservative forces who control the mainstream mass media in ways similar to the ideas of slavophiles. Its dominance rests upon an image of responsible journalism that criticizes the credibility of some marginal blogging, and justifies the lack of media autonomy by equating it with chaos. Counter-hegemony is based on the ideas of westernism and often labeled as "liberal." Westernism in blogization relies on the values of individual autonomy, freedom, subjectivity, and the diversity of styles. The past years of commercialization, political clientelism and media self-censorship have all but marginalized what remains of Russia's independent and socially committed journalism. The difference between late Soviet glasnost and glasnost based on new media phenomena (glasnost 2.0) is that the former had been a top-down conscious decision, whereas the latter is mostly a bottom-up spontaneous movement. In the end, this difference is crucial.
Ce travail se propose de mettre en évidence l'importance des approvisionnements des produits alimentaires en provenance du district de Rusizi (Rwanda) dans la sécurité alimentaire de la ville de Bukavu. Pour cela, il s'est alors avéré nécessaire de connaître leurs ampleurs et déterminants ainsi que leurs conséquences qui restent insuffisantes en raison de leur caractère informel, afin de définir des politiques visant à améliorer la situation et pouvant faciliter l'intégration sous-régionale. Le travail de terrain a consisté en deux séries d'investigations : d'une part les pointages des flux des produits alimentaires pour trois mois (mai, juin et juillet 2010) et par axe d'approvisionnement de la ville de Bukavu, d'autre part une enquête par questionnaire sur un échantillon de 233 ménages dont 76 ménages-consommateurs et 157 ménages-revendeurs. Le pointage des flux des produits alimentaires montre que 2.021 ménages en moyenne traversent chaque jour les deux frontières pour y effectuer leurs approvisionnements alimentaires dont 661 ménages (32,7%) sont des consommateurs directs des produits alimentaires et 1.360 ménages (67,3%) sont des revendeurs. Excepté le manioc qui est une culture traditionnelle du Sud-Kivu, les bananes plantains à cause du problème de conservation, provenant beaucoup plus de l'intérieur de la province, et le haricot provenant beaucoup plus du Nord-Kivu, les pointages des flux des produits alimentaires, ont montré que les taux de dépendance au Rwanda restent fort élevés pour les produits comme le maïs (66%), la pomme de terre (82%), le sorgho (73%), l'arachide (69%), la patate douce (98%), le riz (70%) et les viandes de bœuf et porc (85%). Avec ces taux de dépendance, la ville de Bukavu constitue l'un des grands marchés des produits alimentaires du district de Rusizi (Rwanda), ce qui est loin d'être confirmé par les statistiques officielles des importations de l'Office Congolais de Contrôle (OCC/Sud-Kivu) qui, excepté pour le riz, sous-estiment les flux frontaliers d'une grande partie des produits alimentaires de base. Les produits de base concernés fournissent à la population de la ville de Bukavu 1.027 kcal par personne et par jour dont 593,5 kcal, 338,9 kcal et 92,4 kcal sont fournis par les produits en provenance respectivement du Rwanda, du Nord-Kivu et de l'intérieur de la province du Sud-Kivu. Les calories consommées dans la ville de Bukavu sont essentiellement d'origine végétale dominées par le maïs (563,1 kcal), le manioc (120 kcal) et le haricot (167,1 kcal) qui jouent un rôle stratégique étant donné leur importance dans les habitudes alimentaires de la ville de Bukavu. Les flux importants des approvisionnements alimentaires en provenance du district de Rusizi font vivre des milliers de familles dans la ville de Bukavu. Il se dégage que tous les produits approvisionnés du district de Rusizi par les ménages-revendeurs réalisent des résultats positifs par mois qui constituent la rémunération non seulement du capital mais aussi de l'effort et du temps investis par les ménages-revendeurs pour leur activité (en moyenne 5,67 heures). Plus de 68% des ménages-revendeurs affirment être satisfaits du résultat de cette activité et l'orientent principalement à couvrir les besoins de subsistance. L'analyse du budget des ménages-consommateurs montre que 69,1% des dépenses alimentaires et 48,8% des dépenses totales des ménages-consommateurs traversent les frontières. L'impact significatif des approvisionnements alimentaires issus du district de Rusizi sur la réduction de l'état de pauvreté monétaire des ménages-consommateurs, témoigne de l'intérêt du commerce frontalier qui ne fait que renforcer le déclin structurel et relatif du secteur agricole du Sud-Kivu, déjà confronté à divers problèmes. La politique de libre-échange prônée par un grand nombre de groupements sous-régionaux et régionaux comme la CEPGL et le COMESA permettra de rendre efficace les approvisionnements alimentaires de la ville de Bukavu en provenance du district de Rusizi, mais cette dernière reste une solution à court terme pour la sécurité alimentaire de la ville de Bukavu en particulier et la province du Sud-Kivu en général. A long terme, il convient de stimuler la production et de favoriser le commerce des produits alimentaires locaux. Pour cela, il faut investir dans le secteur agricole. C'est à ce prix-là qu'on peut parvenir à relancer le secteur agricole du Sud-Kivu et atteindre le seuil de l'autosuffisance, voire réaliser un surplus à exporter. Certes, cette solution posera alors le problème de reconversion des ménages-revendeurs et ménages-consommateurs qu'il conviendra de repenser dès le début. ; This thesis aims at highlighting the importance of food supply from the Rusizi District (Rwanda) in the food security of the city Bukavu (Democratic Republic of Congo). Due to the informal nature of this supply, it was necessary to characterize its magnitude, drivers, and consequences as well as to develop policies that are likely to improve this supply and facilitate regional integration. The fieldwork consisted of two series of investigations. The first series of data collection included scoring the flow of food supply from Rusizi District during three months and for each of the food supply axes of Bukavu city. Secondly, a questionnaire was administered to a sample of 233 households, wherein 76 consuming households and 157 reselling households. Results from the scoring exercise show that 2,021 households on average cross both borders (Rusizi 1 and Ruzizi 2) for their food supply daily. A total of 661 of these households (about 32.7%) are direct food consumers and 1,360 households (about 67.3%) are food resellers. Excepted for cassava (which is a traditional staple of South Kivu), plantains (because of conservation problem, much more coming from within the province), and beans (much more from North Kivu), other major food products are imported from Ruzizi district in Rwanda. In this regard, the dependency ratios towards Rwanda remain much higher for products such as maize (66%), potatoes (82%), sorghum (73%), groundnut (69%), sweet potato (98%), rice (70%), and beef and pork meat (85%). With such dependency ratios, Bukavu is a major food market of the Rusizi District (Rwanda) food products. This is however far from being confirmed by official import statistics of the Congolese Control Office (CC0) which, except for rice, underestimates the border trade for a large portion of food commodities flows. The commodities analyzed provide the population of the city of Bukavu 1027 kcal per person per day from which 593.5 kcal, 338.9 kcal and 92.4 kcal are provided by products respectively from Rwanda, North-Kivu and South-Kivu. The calories consumed in the city of Bukavu are mainly of vegetable origin dominated by maize (563.1 kcal), cassava (120 kcal) and beans (167.1 kcal), which play a strategic role given their importance in the food habits of Bukavu. The significant flows of food supplies from Rusizi district are a major contribution to the livelihood of thousands of families in the city of Bukavu. It emerges that all products supplied from Rusizi district by reselling households generate positive return per month demonstrating a positive remuneration not only for the invested capital, but also for the time and effort invested in the activity (average 5.67 hours). More than 68 % of reselling households claim are satisfied with the result of this activity and allocate the generated income mainly to cover subsistence needs. In this sense, the economic impact of border trade on incomes of reselling households is a reality. The analysis of budgets of consuming households shows that 69.1% of food expenditure and 48.8% of total expenditure of consuming households cross the border. The significant impact of food supplies from the Rusizi district on reducing households' income poverty, reflects the interests of border trade which only reinforces the structural and relative decline of the agricultural sector in South Kivu already confronted to various problems. The free trade policy advocated by a large number of sub-regional and regional communities such as CEPGL and COMESA will make the Rusizi originating food supply of Bukavu more efficient, but it remains a short-term solution of food security of the city and the province in general. In the long term, it would be better to stimulate the production and promote local food trade. To achieve this, investments need to be channeled to the agricultural sector. It is at this price that the agricultural sector in South-Kivu can be revived and reach the threshold of self-sufficiency, and even create a surplus for export. Admittedly, this solution then poses the problem of reconversion of consuming households and sellers-households that we should rethink from the outset.
This thesis is an attempt to gain a better understanding of how institutions ; whether formal or informal ; influence individual- and societal-level economic choices ; especially in the Muslim-majority countries. It consists of six research papers that contribute to the economic analysis of institutions. The first paper ; published in the Journal of World Intellectual Property in 2011 ; investigates the relationship between intellectual property piracy and religiosity in several Muslim-majority countries. The second paper ; published in Constitutional Political Economy in 2013 ; focuses on the future of constitutionalism in Arab Spring countries by analyzing a unique Islamic constitution from a rule of law perspective. Another paper published in a collective volume tackles the relationship between business ethics and economic systems in Muslim-majority countries. The fourth paper is a novel application of economic analysis to Islamic criminal law ; as it analyzes the marginal deterrence in Islamic criminal law of theft. The fifth paper ; which is currently under second round review from Journal of Economics and Statistics ; empirically investigates the relationship between the religiously induced internalized values of individuals in 78 countries and their specific attitudes toward corruption using World Value Survey data. In the sixth and final paper of my dissertation ; I empirically investigate the long-term relationship between the legacy of slavery and contemporary violent crime in USA. Paper 1 (with Nora El-Bialy): "Can Shari'a be a Deterrent for Intellectual Property Piracy in Islamic Countries?" examines the stance of Islamic legal traditions (Shari'a) towards intellectual property (IP) piracy. Although Muslims may differ on what Shari'a dictates ; most of them view Shari'a as God's law and as a main ingredient of Islamic belief system. Since piracy rates in Muslim-majority countries are considerably high in light of existing formal IPR laws ; it becomes essential to test if Shari'a has any relation with such phenomenon. Our hypothesis is that ; although Muslim countries have formal institutions or laws that protect intellectual property rights (IPR) ; little attention is given to informal institutions ; or human morals ; regarding IPR piracy ; which negatively affects the enforcement level of IPR laws in these countries. Muslims may not be convinced that IPR violations ; although illegal ; are unethical or forbidden by Islamic Shari'a. In order to test the level of adherence of Muslims to Shari'a to support our hypothesis ; we develop a "religious loyalty" index (RLI). Comparing adherence of followers of different religions with those of Islam ; Muslim countries have the highest religiosity level ; positively affecting obedience level to Shari'a. Consequently ; an investigation of how Shari'a views IPR piracy is conducted. As Islam generally prohibits IPR piracy ; the study concludes by offering a set of policy recommendations that can effectively help in minimizing IPR piracy in Muslim countries. Paper 2: "Islamic Constitutionalism and Rule of Law: A Constitutional Economics Perspective" investigates the relationship between constitutionalism from an Islamic perspective and the concept of rule of law. Al Azhar ; one of the oldest and most respected Sunni religious institutions in the world ; developed an Islamic constitution with the purpose of making it "available to any country that wishes to model itself after the Islamic Shari'a". Facing the differences among Islamic sects ; Al-Azhar's constitution preamble states that "the principles laid down in this constitution agree with those shared between the Islamic schools of law to the utmost extent possible". Since its completion in 1978 ; this Islamic constitution received little attention from policy makers in Muslim-majority countries as well as legal scholars worldwide. Only after the January 25 uprising did Islamic political movements in Egypt announce their desire to use this constitution as their proposed model for the upcoming Egyptian constitution. Having this in mind ; this study uses this constitution as a model of Islamic constitutionalism ; whereby its stance regarding rule of law is examined using six main principles: (1) separation of powers ; (2) clear and stable laws ; (3) judicial independence and judicial review ; (4) equal access to justice ; (5) the state is bound by the law ; and (6) protection of basic human rights. I find the Al-Azhar's constitution to be incompatible with essential concepts of rule of law. For example ; the powers vested in the head of the Islamic state are enormous ; making the executive branch of government far superior to the legislative and judicial branches. Women and non- Muslims are explicitly discriminated against throughout the constitution. Moreover ; laws stemming from this constitution are not stable since many differences exist among schools of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh). Consequently ; we show that state-of-the-art Islamic constitutionalism lacks essential components needed in any constitution based on rule of law. Paper 3 (with Helmut Leipold): "Wirtschaftsethik und Wirtschaftssysteme in islamischen Ländern" investigates if the Islamic ethics related to business and economics could offer a solution to deter future financial crises. For this purpose ; we investigate the principles of Islamic business ethics and Islamic business law. Our analysis shows that the principles of Islamic economic ethics resemble the objectives of the social market economy model. We further comparatively analyze the economic systems of members of the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Although Islamic countries have heterogeneous economic structures ; we perceive that they are somewhat homogenous in their lack of democracy and their low levels of rule of law. Moreover ; the majority of Islamic countries can be categorized as rentier states. This is not surprising in countries where religion and state are in close alliance. The paper concludes that the principles of Islamic economic ethics do not offer a specific solution to prevent future financial crises. Paper 4: "Stealing more is better? An Economic Analysis of Islamic Law of Theft" is the very first attempt towards applying economic analysis to Islamic criminal law. Islamic criminal law offers two main punishments regarding theft ; hadd ; a fixed penalty that requires the amputation of the offender's right hand under certain conditions and ta'zir ; a punishment that is left to the discretion of the judge and is less severe than hadd. Deterrence is one of the main objectives for Islamic criminal law. However ; from the viewpoint of marginal deterrence and multiplier principles ; lesser crimes with low social harm are punished severely with hadd while crimes with high social harm are punished with ta'zir. Moreover ; as the probability of detection and sanction is less in crimes of high social harm ; criminals would have better incentive to commit the latter type of crimes. This study implies that if Islamic criminal law is introduced in Arab Spring countries in its current form ; crimes of high social cost are likely to become more frequent. A call for a modern reinterpretation and re-coding of Islamic criminal law of theft is essential for any successful attempt to apply Shari'a in Muslim-majority countries. Paper 5 (with Sang-Min Park): "Religious Loyalty and Acceptance of Corruption" investigates the relationship between religiously-induced internalized values of individuals and their specific attitudes regarding the acceptance of corruption. The dataset on which our study is based was collected by the World Values Survey from 164,209 individuals in 80 countries surveyed during a period of 13 years. We propose that individual attitudes towards corruption and religion are associated given certain societal and institutional contexts. Our results show that although there is a negative and statistically significant effect of religiosity on the acceptance of corruption on the individual level ; this effect is small. We find that there is a threshold value of religiosity below which corruption is more easily accepted by individuals. Our interpretation for this result is simple: individuals with minimal religiosity are generally less constrained by religious norms ; specifically ; religious norms that are opposed to corruption are less binding on these individuals ; resulting in them having a greater propensity to accept corruption. Religiosity ; therefore ; does lower the acceptance of corruption only when it exceeds a certain threshold for a specific individual. Paper 6: "The Long-Term Effect of Slavery on Violent Crime: Evidence from US Counties" is the first to empirically investigate the long-term relationship between slavery and violence in USA. Although qualitative evidence shows that slavery has been a key factor behind the prevalence of violence ; especially in South USA (Cash ; 1941 ; Franklin ; 1956 ; Gastil ; 1971 ; Wyatt-Brown ; 1986) ; no empirical evidence supports this claim so far. I propose that the proportion of slaves in a certain county in 1860 is positively correlated with the rate of violent crimes in 2000. As violence was extensively used to control slaves for hundreds of years ; a culture of violence was formed and persisted through time. Extending Engermann and Sokoloff's hypotheses (1997 ; 2002) ; I empirically examine two hypotheses: (1) slavery has a long-term effect on violent crime. (2) Such long-term effect is mainly transmitted through inequality. The results show that slavery in 1860 is positively associated with violent crime in 2000. Testing the second hypothesis ; I find that land inequality in 1860 has a long-term significant effect on contemporary violent crime.
The way poverty is measured shapes the types of policy solutions perceived to be possible and appropriate to address poverty, as poverty measurement produces information about who is poor, how many people are poor, and why they are poor. The traditional approach to measuring poverty in the United States suffers from two serious shortcomings, which limit the usefulness of the data produced to inform poverty policy. First, the official federal poverty measure (OPM) traditionally used to determine who qualifies as poor is based on consumption data from the 1960s and does not reflect current living patterns or costs of basic needs. Second, poverty in the United States is typically measured on an annual basis, using a cross-sectional analysis approach, which fails to capture information about the duration of poverty, though short-term poverty and long-term poverty have been shown to have different demographics, and long-term poverty is associated with more severe impacts on life outcomes. This study addresses these two shortcomings, by using an alternative poverty measure recently developed by the U.S. Census Bureau and U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM), in place of the OPM to determine who qualifies as poor, and by analyzing poverty from a longitudinal rather than cross-sectional perspective, examining chronic or long-term poverty and transient or short-term poverty as distinct phenomena. Prior research has examined poverty in the U.S. using alternative poverty measures including the SPM, but only from a cross-sectional perspective. Other research has examined U.S. poverty from a longitudinal perspective, but using the OPM or a closely derived poverty measure. This study thus fills a gap in the existing research on poverty in the United States, by measuring poverty longitudinally using the better-grounded Supplemental Poverty Measure. Data for this study were drawn from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), a comprehensive nationally representative longitudinal dataset. Data included detailed household income, benefit, housing, and expense information used to construct annual poverty status using the SPM, as well as individual and household demographic variables, collected biennially from 1998 to 2008, thus representing six data years. Descriptive analysis was conducted using individuals as the unit of analysis (n= 8,375) while multivariate regression analysis was conducted using households as the unit of analysis (n=4,188). Complex survey weights were used in all analyses to adjust for differential sampling and attrition. Multiple imputation was used to impute missing values for one of the components used to construct SPM poverty status and for one of the demographic covariates. Chronic poverty was defined as poor under the SPM in more than half of the years examined (i.e. 4 or more of 6 years), while transient poverty was defined as poor under the SPM in at least one year but not more than half of the years (i.e. 1 to 3 of 6 years). Nonpoor was defined as not poor under the SPM in any year.Descriptive analysis was used to examine the prevalence and demographics of chronic and transient poverty, to compare the demographics of chronic and transient poverty using the Supplemental Poverty Measure versus using the official federal poverty measure, and to examine the impact of existing government benefits, private resources, and household expenses on chronic and transient poverty rates. Results showed that chronic poverty was a rare phenomenon, affecting only 2.1% of the sample or approximately 1 in 50 individuals, while transient poverty was fairly common, affecting 18.9% of the sample or approximately 1 in 20 individuals. The demographics of chronic and transient poverty were somewhat different, with groups that experienced high rates of transient poverty generally demonstrating even more disproportionately high rates of chronic poverty. Thus chronic poverty was more concentrated among particularly disadvantaged groups, while the population affected by transient poverty was still disadvantaged but more similar to the overall sample. The rates of chronic and transient poverty calculated using the SPM were statistically significantly different from the rates calculated using the official federal poverty measure, for both the overall sample and for many demographic subgroups. In general, chronic poverty rates were lower, and transient poverty rates were higher, when using the SPM versus using the OPM. Finally, government benefits were shown to have a substantial impact on both chronic and transient poverty rates, reducing the overall transient poverty rate from 23.9% to 18.9%, a difference of 5.0 percentage points, and reducing the overall chronic poverty rate from 10.8% to 2.1%, a reduction of 8.7 percentage points. One observed effect of government benefits was to increase household resources just enough to shift some individuals out of chronic poverty into transient poverty. The impact of government benefits on chronic and transient poverty rates was different for different demographic subgroups. Seniors experienced the greatest reduction in transient and especially chronic poverty rates, essentially due to Social Security, while children experienced less of a reduction. For immigrants, the dominant effect of government benefits was to shift individuals out of chronic into transient poverty.Multivariate regression, specifically multinomial logistic regression, was used to examine the predictors of transient and chronic poverty. Analysis specifically examined whether the predictors of each type of poverty, versus nonpoor status, corresponded to economic theory which posits that transient poverty is driven by temporary reductions in income (e.g. job layoff), while chronic poverty is driven by an inadequate long-term base of human and material assets needed to generate income (e.g. lack of education or presence of disability). Results showed that chronic poverty was significantly associated with asset limitations, including particularly non-high school graduate status, immigrant status, and long-term disability in a high housing cost area. Transient poverty was significantly associated with one variable linked to short-term income disruption, namely short-term unemployment. However, transient poverty was also significantly predicted by variables representing asset limitations, though most of these covariates had a stronger association with chronic poverty than transient poverty. The association of asset limitations with transient poverty appeared to be partly explained by the fact that government benefits shifted some asset-limited households, who would be expected to be chronically poor, out of chronic poverty and into transient poverty.Results of this study suggest implications for both research and policy. The finding that rates of chronic and transient poverty differ depending on whether the Supplemental Poverty Measure or official federal poverty measure is used suggests that researchers and policy analysts should consider using the SPM when analyzing longitudinal poverty, as the SPM has a stronger conceptual and empirical grounding than the OPM and did not simply function as a proxy for the OPM when examining poverty longitudinally in this study. Results related to the impact of government benefits on chronic and transient poverty rates suggest that policymakers should consider not just short-term policy impacts, but also the longitudinal impact of specific policies and of the overall package of government benefits on poverty. In addition, the differential impact of policies on chronic versus transient poverty, and on chronic and transient poverty among different demographic subgroups, should be considered. Findings related to the predictors of chronic versus transient poverty suggest that policies to address chronic poverty should target individuals with limited bases of human assets needed to generate income; such policies could function either through asset building or through long-term income supplementation or subsidies. Transient poverty could be addressed by enhancing short-term unemployment support, while policies targeted to asset-limited individuals would be likely to impact transient as well as chronic poverty. Further research to more clearly distinguish predictors of chronic poverty over and above transient poverty would be helpful for policy targeting purposes. Finally, prior research on the impact of chronic and transient poverty on life outcomes suggests that two types of poverty could be considered as priorities for policy interventions, due to greater impact on health and other outcomes, namely chronic poverty (as exposure to longer duration of poverty is associated with worse outcomes) and transient poverty occurring during the sensitive developmental period of childhood (as exposure to even short-term poverty during this sensitive period is associated with serious long-term health and developmental impacts). Results from this study show that addressing either of these two types of poverty could be feasible, if somewhat ambitious policy goals in terms of the number of individuals affected and the cumulative gap between their resources and needs.
Poverty is one of the greatest problems affecting developing countries. Socio-economic imbalances, created by both natural and artificial resource scarcity, restrict impoverished people's access to economic opportunities, limiting their purchasing power and empowerment. Environmental degradation is thus both a cause and effect of resource scarcity, as the poor are forced to seek increasingly environmentally and economically unsustainable methods of income generation, further marginalizing them. Microfinance is known to be one of the best tools to combat poverty, as it allows the poor to empower both themselves and their communities through the creation and sustainment of their own businesses. Moreover, green microfinance, which combines the core concepts of microfinance with environmental awareness and preservation, aims to allow empowerment to occur without compromising the environment. Microfinance institutions (MFIs) use simple administrative procedures and the general abolishment of collateral to allow inhabitants of remote areas to access microfinance, whilst maintaining relationships with them and assisting with their financial and personal problems, educating them, and providing aid in the event of environmental disasters. Hence, microfinance is believed to have a positive effect on both poverty alleviation and environmental awareness. In Indonesia, the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, Islamic finance, which was established in 1991 and saw rapid development during the politically volatile years of 1997 and 1998 (Seibel 2008), comprises commercial banks and banking units, Islamic rural banks, and Islamic financial cooperatives. Commercial Islamic banks focus on providing savings, financing, and insurance to medium and large businesses. People running small or micro businesses are thus restricted from receiving their services. Islamic microfinance, in the form of banking units, rural banks, and financial cooperatives, fills the void left by the commercial banks, enabling Indonesia's disadvantaged entrepreneurs to generate income on their own terms. Most people in Pasuruan Regency, East Java, earn their incomes in the processing industry, agriculture, and trading. In this region, these sectors contribute more than any other to the total Gross Regional Domestic Product (BPS Pasuruan). However, most of them generally negatively affect the environment, through pollutive and chemically harmful practices, as well as a lack of skill and knowledge required to mitigate the negative impacts of these practices. These effects could be influenced by the microfinance institutions that finance their business activities and have a say in how their businesses are run. This is particularly the case with the Islamic MFIs in the region, in whom clients put a great deal of trust, and whose growth has been stimulated by Islamic finance's own growth in Indonesia as a whole. Although MFIs have seen significant development since the 1970s, not enough is known about them. While they have been shown to contribute to poverty alleviation, little is known about their simultaneous roles as facilitators of poverty alleviation and environmental development. Understanding this dynamic was of particular concern in Pasuruan Regency, as the peoples of our research sites appeared to show little regard for their environment whilst relying on MFIs to support their businesses. With their institutions failing to intervene in their destructive behaviors, there is an opening for environmental degradation to be countered with the use of MFIs as promoters of environmentally-friendly business practices. This study aimed to investigate the effect of Islamic microfinance institutions on the welfare of their clients, and whether they positively contribute to their environmental awareness. We examined the role of Islamic microfinance institutions in poverty alleviation and environmental awareness in three different areas of Pasuruan Regency, namely lowland, coastal, and upland. We further compared the impact of Islamic MFIs with that of conventional MFIs, to understand whether Islamic microfinance is consistent with other microfinance types or is able to stand out in its influence on clients' welfare, awareness, and behavior Field work data was collected using qualitative and quantitative approaches. The qualitative approach comprised in-depth interviews, direct observations, and focus group discussions, while the quantitative approach comprised standardized and semi-structured questionnaires. Additionally, secondary data was obtained from banks and a number governmental organizations and officials and statistics offices. Triangulation and a logic model were used to evaluate and validate data before conducting both qualitative and quantitative data analyses. The qualitative analysis was used to describe the behavior of the people in our research area, particularly towards changes in their economic welfare and awareness of specific environmental issues after joining a microfinance institution. Quantitative data analyses consisted of frequency distributions and numerical summaries. Our results revealed that both Islamic and conventional MFIs' primary concerns were self-sustainability, as they attempted to maintain financial performances and increase client bases within a regional context. Pondok pesantren, through their prevalence and their teachers and students' social programs, contributed to the development of Islamic MFIs in the lowland area by improving the public's perceptions of Islamic microfinance. In the coastal area, Islamic MFIs managed to mitigate the challenges and poor perceptions created by their failed predecessors. Meanwhile, Islamic MFIs in the upland area employed specific strategies to overcome challenges to their sustainability during periods of mass withdrawals. Conventional MFIs largely tailored their services to the needs of their clients, helping farmers acquire seeds and fertilizer in the lowland area, for example, or assisting fisheries and small entrepreneurs in the coastal area and helping clients grow, harvest, and process agroforestry products in the upland area. The microfinance institutions in all three areas positively contributed to poverty alleviation, with a significant majority of MFI clients being able to develop their businesses after receiving financing or loans—more so those in the lowland and coastal areas than the upland area. In terms of business re-investment, the lowland area was found to have the lowest percentage of clients spending their surplus incomes on increasing business size or employee numbers; a factor that requires attention from the local government and MFIs if they are to contribute to self-empowerment. Contrasting their impacts on poverty alleviation, both conventional and Islamic MFIs had negligible impacts on increasing the environmental awareness of their clients. Our analyses revealed that the MFIs in all three areas had problems with providing environmental training to their clients, failing to combat the already existent lack in awareness, and consequent accumulative degradation that occurred as a result. In all three research sites, more respondents reported that they did not receive training from their MFI than those who did. MFIs found it costly to dedicate a part of their net profits to environmental matters, but we found one cost-effective way to contribute to environmental awareness was through informing them of the existence of the few training programs that were available. There are still a limited number of empirical studies on Islamic microfinance's contributions to the poverty reduction of both the poor and the poorest. Our comparisons of the roles of Islamic and conventional MFIs in alleviating poverty revealed that both Islamic and conventional MFIs had a positive effect on poverty alleviation—Islamic MFIs slightly more than conventional ones. The screening system used by the Islamic MFIs, in particular their targeting of clients who were less inclined to use their funds for unrelated purposes, had a significant impact on their ability to avoid the lending risks encountered by the conventional MFIs, as well as the development of their clients' businesses. This was supported by key informants' observations that Islamic microfinance reduces the poverty level of clients, with their interest-free financing options and more flexible repayment plans being major factors. Islamic MFIs' redistributions of public donations to the poorest in the form of qard al hasan (credit without interest) also fortified their roles as important contributors to poverty reduction. Nevertheless, considering how integral the environment is to their clients' livelihoods, their environmental initiatives were merely enablers in their clients' destructive behaviors, and will only contribute to increased resource scarcity and more arduous poverty alleviation efforts. Islamic MFIs should therefore look at targeting environmentally-friendly businesses, in spite of their unfairly negative associations with cost and risk, whether through the use social funds or collaboration with the government. Green microfinance, which was unsuccessful in our study, should continue to be studied as a viable method of providing financial services to poor communities. Green Islamic microfinance, further, may be considered the next step in Islamic finance's development, as institutions attempt to empower individuals and communities in increasingly vulnerable environments.
Dissertação de mestrado em Medicina Legal e Ciências Forenses, apresentada à Faculdade de Medicina da Universidade de Coimbra. ; Violence against women is a widely spread phenomenon that still persists in actual societies, being currently recognized as a violation of human rights. Most of the times, it occurs within the family (domestic violence) and more specifically, within abusive intimate relationships - intimate partner violence (IPV). Considered as a priority in the political and national setting, many policies have been defined to prevent IPV. IPV is an important cause of women´s health problems, being the most extreme one the victim's homicide. The role of forensic pathology in these cases is crucial, constituting a priority in scientific research. Accordingly, the main objective of this study was to contribute to a better knowledge on fatal IPV in Portugal, concerning a forensic medicine perspective. This first national retrospective autopsy-based and judicial-proved study was based in fatal cases of women due to IPV-related homicide perpetrated by intimate partners and was conducted, based in the statistics of the National Institute of Legal Medicine (which covers 83.4% of the total Portuguese population), between 2005-2007. The main findings of this study were: 1. At least 62 women were killed by current or former men-intimate partners, corresponding to an IPV-related female mortality rate of 0.44 per 100.000 women aged 15 years old or older; 2. Fatal IPV constitutes an important part of forensic autopsies' case load (13%), representing the most common type of women's homicide (61%); 3. The typical Portuguese victim is a young adult woman, employed, killed by a current husband in a long-term relationship, usually with offspring in common and most of the times with a history of previous IPV (79%); 4. The typical Portuguese perpetrator is a man, older than the victim, employed, usually with a history of substances abuse and psychiatric problems, owning a firearm and without criminal records; 5. Most fatal events took place in the summer, during the weekend, in homes shared by the victim and perpetrator and were triggered mostly by a context of separation (39%) or jealousy (32%); 6. Some perpetrators attempted (23%) or committed suicide (24%) afterwards, other multiple victims occur as 2 attempted and 6 consummated homicides and 21% of the events occurred in the presence of minors; 7. Most women were killed by gunshot trauma (45%), especially in the thorax (49%), with multiple fatal injuries (55%) and 57% also presented non-fatal IPV related injuries (including defense wounds in 73%), particularly due to blunt trauma (63%); 8. Only some victims presented positive toxicological exams for alcohol (17%) and abuse drugs (7%) while all DNA samples which were collected in suspected sexual assault cases (15%) were negative; 9. Perpetrators, who did not die, were prosecuted and convicted of murder in 98% of the cases. Despite the absolute number, and also the correspondingly mortality rate of IPV-related homicide of women being low (when compared with published data), the respectively prevalence among women´s homicides is high. Discrepancies among national and international prevalence are mainly explained due to the use of distinct definitions of intimate relationships and different research methodologies. The lack of some information on the victims, perpetrators and results of the criminal investigation, found in this study, obligates to a better search during the forensic medicine approach. Our analysis and those of others suggest that: (a) Detecting timely high-risk IPV situations (which allow DV protective measures to be applied); (b) Preventing alcohol abuse; (c) Improving mental health care services; (d) Controlling access to firearms; and (f) Recognizing previous IPV, should have a positive impact in decreasing and preventing IPV fatal outcomes. This work also emphasizes the need to deepen the research on this issue, adopting standard comparable definitions and eventually to create a national homicide database, with the final aim of preventing both fatal and non-fatal cases IPV-related. ; A violência contra a mulher é um fenómeno universal que ainda persiste nas sociedades actuais, sendo actualmente reconhecido como uma violação dos direitos humanos. Geralmente, este tipo de violência ocorre no contexto familiar, correspondendo a uma situação de violência doméstica, mais especificamente no contexto de relações íntimas abusivas - violência nas relações de intimidade (VRI). Considerada uma prioridade no contexto político nacional e internacional, várias medidas têm vindo a ser implementadas para prevenir a VRI. A VRI é uma importante causa de problemas de saúde nas mulheres sendo a sua consequência mais extrema a morte da vítima por homicídio. Nestes casos, o papel da Patologia Forense é crucial, tornando este tópico uma prioridade em termos de investigação científica. Assim, o principal objectivo deste estudo foi contribuir para um melhor conhecimento sobre a temática dos casos mortais de vítimas de VRI em Portugal, segundo uma perspectiva médico-legal. Trata-se do primeiro estudo nacional e retrospectivo de autópsias médico-legais de mulheres vítimas de homicídio no contexto de uma relação de intimidade, perpetrado por parceiros homens, comprovados judicialmente e com base na casuística do Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal (que abrange 83.4% da população Portuguesa), entre 2005-2007. As principais conclusões deste estudo foram: 1. Pelos menos 62 mulheres foram mortas no seio de uma relação de intimidade (actual ou passada), correspondendo a uma taxa de mortalidade de mulheres por VRI de 0.44 por 100.000 mulheres com idade igual ou superior a 15 anos; 2. Os casos mortais de VRI constituem uma importante fracção de todas as autópsias médico-legais (13%), representando o principal tipo de homicídio nas mulheres (61%); 3. O perfil mais habitual da vítima Portuguesa é o de uma mulher adulta jovem, empregada, numa relação conjugal de longa-duração, geralmente com filhos em comum e maioritariamente, com uma história prévia de VRI (79%); 4. O perfil mais habitual do perpetrador Português é o de um homem mais velho que a vítima, empregado, geralmente com história de abuso de substâncias e problemas psiquiátricos, detentor de arma de fogo e sem registo criminal; 5. A maioria dos eventos fatais ocorreram no Verão, durante o fim de semana, nas casas das próprias vítimas e perpetradores e foram desencadeados num contexto de separação (39%) ou ciúme (32%); 6. Posteriormente, alguns perpetradores tentaram (23%) ou consumaram o suicídio (24%); concomitantemente ocorreram 2 tentativas de homicídio e 6 homicídios consumados; 21% dos eventos foram presenciados por menores; 7. A maioria das mulheres foi morta por arma de fogo (45%), sobretudo no tórax (49%), envolvendo múltiplas lesões (55%) e 57% apresentavam lesões associadas não fatais produzidas por VRI (incluindo 73% com lesões de defesa), especialmente por traumatismo contundente (63%); 8. Apenas algumas mulheres apresentaram exames toxicológicos positivos para álcool (17%) e drogas de abuso (7%) enquanto todas as amostras colhidas de ADN nos casos suspeitos de abuso sexual (15%) foram negativas; 9. Os perpetradores que não morreram antes do julgamento, foram acusados e condenados de homicídio em 98% dos casos. Apesar do número absoluto e da correspondente taxa de mortalidade de mulheres por VRI ser baixa (quando comparada com a literatura publicada), a respectiva prevalência em relação ao total de homicídios de mulheres é alta. As discrepâncias nas prevalências encontradas em estudos nacionais e internacionais podem ser explicadas, sobretudo, pelas distintas definições de relações de intimidade e diferentes metodologias usadas. A informação em falta detectada durante o estudo, sobretudo relacionada com as vítimas, perpetradores e investigação criminal, suscita que se atribua uma maior atenção no que se refere à obtenção de informação circunstancial durante a intervenção médico-legal. A nossa análise e a de outros sugere que a: (a) Detecção atempada de situações de VRI de alto risco (que permitam a oportuna aplicação de medidas de protecção de vitimas); (b) Prevenção de abuso de álcool; (c) Melhoria dos serviços de saúde mental; (d) Acesso controlado a armas de fogo e (f) Reconhecimento de história prévia de VRI, podem ter um impacto positivo na diminuição e prevenção dos casos mortais nas relações de intimidade. Este estudo enfatiza, ainda, a necessidade de uma investigação mais profunda desta problemática, com adopção de definições comparáveis e eventualmente, a criação de uma base de dados nacional de homicídios, com o objectivo final de prevenir ambos as situações de VRI fatal e não fatal.
The global tobacco control movement is more than three decades old, but its impact is inconsistent. For every city or nation that takes strong action to reduce tobacco use, there is another where little if anything has been done to help people stop smoking or to establish tobacco control policies opposed by powerful tobacco industries. Tobacco continues to kill and cause debilitating illnesses, severely retarding progress in improving local, national, and global health and economic conditions. Recent data indicate that smoking is the leading cause of deaths from cardiovascular diseases (1.69 million deaths annually), cancer (1.4 million deaths), and chronic obstructive pulmonary diseases (970,000 deaths). About 1.25 billion people smoke cigarettes, representing more than one-sixth of the Earth's population. According to reports from the World Cancer Congress and the 13th World Conference on Tobacco OR Health, held in Washington, D.C., in July 2006, if current trends hold, tobacco will kill a billion people in the 21st century, 10 times the toll it took in the 20th century. These sobering statistics are counterbalanced by some good news. In numerous countries, public health officials, civil society organizations, and various other advocacy groups have joined forces to initiate policies and programs designed to reduce tobacco use. Most comprehensive efforts have included a mixture of awareness raising; restrictions on the sale, promotion, and place of use of tobacco products; and taxes and laws that affect the price and availability of these products. A major milestone was achieved when the landmark Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), a global treaty initiated by the World Health Organization (WHO), entered into force on February 27, 2005. As of the end of March 2007, a total of 168 countries had signed the treaty, and 146 of those had ratified it. Parties to the FCTC are expected to create national action plans to meet the treaty's minimum requirements in areas such as tobacco advertising, access to smoking cessation programs, the size of warnings on cigarette packs, and the creation and enforcement of smoke-free public spaces. Wealthier countries have more potential resources at their disposal to implement tobacco control policies, yet there are plenty of examples—some of which are examined in this report's case studies—of innovative and increasingly successful tobacco control efforts in resource-limited places. Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia, however, remain in dire need of more extensive tobacco control. According to the World Health Organization, tobacco related diseases kill more than 700,000 people a year in the region and nearly 40 percent of middle-aged men die prematurely as a result of tobacco use. In some Eastern European countries, lung cancer mortality rates in men are the highest ever recorded anywhere in the world. The WHO has concluded that tobacco use is the major preventable cause of poor health in the region—and that comprehensive tobacco control is the best investment in health reform. Policymakers have been listening. By 2006, all Central and Eastern European countries and a majority of those in the former Soviet Union had enacted some tobacco control legislative and policy measures. However, many legislative regulations and national tobacco control programs, especially in the less developed countries farther east, are not effectively enforced and still have serious loopholes that prevent them from meeting WHO standards. One common thread has been the leadership of civil society groups in devising, implementing, and demanding the enforcement of tobacco control policies and regulations. Local nongovernmental organizations often have been among the first entities of any kind to advocate for tobacco control in their countries, including accession to the FCTC. Many of these civil society groups have received support from the Open Society Institute (OSI), which first provided grants for tobacco control in 2002. Among OSI's most successful grantees is Poland's Health Promotion Foundation (HPF), which since 1991 has played a leading role in lowering the burden of smoking-related diseases through tobacco control in its home country. Recently, HPF began planning the development of a regional center for tobacco control to enable the sharing of information and expertise on tobacco control throughout the region. Based in Warsaw, the Regional Tobacco Control Network and Center (RTCNC) is expected to be fully operational by the end of 2007. The case studies in this report document the advocacy efforts of NGOs in four countries expected to participate significantly in such regional engagement. The nations—Kazakhstan, Moldova, Romania, and Ukraine—are at different stages in tobacco control. The activities of these civil society groups represent a range of strategies reflecting the opportunities, obstacles, and expectations unique to their own nations and circumstances. Taken together, though, the case studies offer important lessons for future tobacco control efforts anywhere in the world. No matter where they live, committed activists generally are able to utilize even a small amount of funding to initiate a process of change; the success of their efforts is multiplied many times over with each increase in resources and capacity. Local leadership of this sort is essential to reversing the current trends in tobacco use, illness, and death that place millions of people at risk. Among the notable lessons are the following: Civil society is crucial to successful tobacco control efforts. The Polish experience in the early 1990s is instructive. After restrictions were lifted on civil society, groups pushed for greater openness about all political, economic, and social issues—including health. Tobacco control efforts gained momentum and policy reforms soon followed, including tobacco control legislation and improved public- and private-sector services designed to raise awareness and promote healthy lifestyles. Experience elsewhere reinforces the strong correlation between comprehensive tobacco control and engaged, fully independent civil societies. Effective tobacco control efforts require comprehensive, multipronged approaches and strategies. Given the power and influence of the tobacco industry in most countries, tobacco control advocates must continually seek to broaden the ways in which they raise awareness of tobacco's negative medical, social, and financial consequences. Important strategies include extensive media campaigns; expanding coalitions within civil society and with government partners; directly challenging policymakers to publicly justify their opposition to tobacco control or reluctance to make it a priority; and collecting and disseminating solid health data, such as the number of deaths and hospitalizations due to tobacco-related illnesses. Economic research is an important, yet often neglected, component of effective advocacy. Policymakers and the general public are often unaware of the massive financial costs to society of tobacco use. Tobacco-related sickness and premature death reduce economic productivity in ways that can be quantified through rigorous data collection. Disabling tobacco-related conditions also force a redirection of individual and public resources from investment and savings—needed to help grow economies and raise living standards—to health care. Tax policies can be used to raise revenues for health promotion activities that lead to a reduction in tobacco-related health care costs. For example, several European countries and U.S. states have raised cigarette taxes and earmarked a portion of the higher revenues specifically for tobacco control activities, such as education and media campaigns. Enshrining health promotion earmarks in laws or government policies improves the likelihood of withstanding tobacco industry pressure to counter comprehensive tobacco control efforts. Media can be a powerful tool for and ally of tobacco control advocates. Tobacco control advocates in Kazakhstan invited members of the media on several tours of Almaty, pointing out violations of the national antitobacco law. The resulting newspaper articles and television coverage helped prompt local officials to introduce the "Smoke-free Almaty" initiative. Such effective use of media is relatively rare in the region. Civil society groups need to train in media advocacy and to share successful strategies and experiences more consistently. Tobacco control regulations and affordable "quit smoking" services are equally important in reducing tobacco use. Restrictions are far more effective in reducing tobacco use when accompanied by health promotion campaigns and accessible, affordable services to help people quit smoking. Incentives for changing behavior must be based on recognition of the medical and psychological elements of tobacco addiction. On their own, punitive measures rarely make an impact on complex behaviors that require extensive treatment and support. Expanded regional learning and cooperation offer clear benefits to local tobacco control efforts. Strategies used successfully in one country or context can have similarly positive impacts elsewhere. Expertise should be tapped more effectively through greater sharing of information and resources across the region, down to the grassroots level. Regional cooperation will also help sustain and expand civil society advocacy that has already shown great promise for improving health. The creation of the Regional Tobacco Control Network and Center should help facilitate such efforts.
Sivil Toplum, sivil toplum kuruluşları, Sivil toplum kuruluşlarının devlet içerisindeki yeri, demokrasi, devlet, devlet kurumları, emniyet teşkilatı, Polisin Sivil Toplum kuruluşlarına bakış açısı, özgürlükler, Avrupa birliği kavramları dünyanın olduğu gibi ülkemizin gündemini de uzun süre meşgul etmiştir. Küreselleşen dünyada devletler etkisini kaybetmekte, özgürlükler alanı genişlemektedir. Toplulukların devlet gibi düşünmediği veya devletin düşünmediği konularda bir araya gelerek organize oldukları, devletin boş bıraktığı alanlarda faaliyet gösterdikleri, devletin bazı yetkilerini kullandıklarını görmekteyiz. Ülkemizde sivil toplum kuruluşlarının gelişme dönemi 1980 yılından sonra olduğu görülmekle birlikte, topluma hizmeti görev kabul etmiş bir sivil toplum kuruluşu olan vakıfların kuruluş tarihinin asırlar öncesine dayandığını söyleyebiliriz. Türkiye'de 1995 yılında çeşitli Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları arasındaki ilişkilerin serbest bırakılması önemli bir karar olmakla birlikte 2004 yılında dernekler kanununda yapılan değişiklik ve emniyet teşkilatından bağımsız yapılanma imkânı tanınması, sivil toplum kuruluşlarının gelişmesi ve faaliyetlerinin çeşitliliğinin artması bakımından önemlidir. Bu çalışmamızda sivil toplum, sivil toplum kuruluşları ve bağlantılı terimlerin açıklanmasının yanında görevi sivil toplum kuruluşlarının faaliyetlerini yasalar çerçevesinde güvenli bir şekilde yapmasını sağlamak, yasa dışı söylem ve hareketleri yargıya intikal ettirmek olan Polisin sivil toplum kuruluşlarına bakışını ele alacağız. Emniyet Müdürlüğü bünyelerinde kuruluşu bulunan Güvenlik Şube Müdürlüğü Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları ile yasalardan kaynaklanan ilişkiler kurmak zorundadır. Aynı ilişki kurma zorunluluğu sivil toplum kuruluşları içinde geçerlidir. Polis ilişkilerini kurarken sivil toplum kuruluşlarını kategorize eder ve yasaların izin verdiği ölçüde görev niteliğine bakılarak iletişim içine girer. Bu iletişim ve ilişki sınırlı ve ölçülüdür. Bu çalışmamızda sivil toplum kuruluşları ile Polis ilişkisini incelerken ilgili yasaların neler olduğunu bu yasaların güncelliği ile birlikte eksiklerini, yasalardan kaynaklanan ilişki bozukluklarını inceleyeceğiz Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları demokrasi hayatı ve kültürü için ne kadar önemli olursa olsun faaliyetlerinin belli ölçüde sınırlandırılmasının gerektiği bunun demokrasinin gerekliliği olduğu ve demokrasi hayatının gelişmesinde Polisin davranışı ve yasaların özelliğinin ne kadar önemli olduğudur. Ülkemizdeki Sivil toplum kuruluşları ile Dünya'daki sivil toplum kuruluşları arasında büyük farklılıklar vardır. Bunun çok yönlü sebepleri olsa da demokrasi kültürünün tam anlamıyla yerleşmemiş olması en büyük sebeptir. Ankara Emniyet Müdürlüğü Güvenlik Şube Müdürlüğü bu eksikliğin farkında olarak hareket etmekte, sivil toplum kuruluşlarının faaliyetlerinde davranışları ve iletişimiyle örnek olmaya çalışmaktadır. Bu davranışlar başkente özel ve kişilere bağlı olsa da Türkiye'de uygulanması gereken davranış özelliğini kazanması açısından önemlidir. Çalışmamızda polis teşkilatının tamamının görüşünü yansıtmasa da resmi ve sivil çalışan polislere uyguladığımız ankette; Türkiye'de Polisin ilişki kurduğu sivil toplum kuruluşlarına nasıl baktığı, onları nasıl değerlendirdiği, faaliyetlerdeki tutumu yasaların sivil toplum kuruluşlarına tanıdığı özgürlükler polisin bu konudaki düşünceleri incelenmeye ve bir çerçeve çizilmeye çalışılmıştır. Sivil toplum kuruluşları denince polisin aklına ilk gelen düşüncenin sokaklarda eylem yapan, kaldırım taşlarını söküp kendisine taş atan öğrenci grupları, illegal söylemleri dile getiren, polis ile çatışmaktan çekinmeyen öğrenci platformları ve sendikalar gelir. İllegal örgütlere altyapı sağlayan dernekler, vakıflar, devlet değerlerini ve sistemini tanımayan, yazılı olarak kanuna uygun parti kabul edilen ama söylemlerinde devlete karşı tavır alan veya bölücü, irticai faaliyetleri bulunan siyasi partilerin de bulunduğunu unutmamak gerekir. Her Sivil toplum kuruluşu göründüğü kadar masum değildir. Bu masumiyet halkımız tarafından zamanla anlaşılmakta ve tepkisini yeri geldiğinde ortaya koymaktadır. Kuruluş amacı doğrultusunda hareket eden yasalara saygılı, dürüst, topluma hizmet eden Sivil Toplum Kuruluşlarının polis ile olan ilişkisi sadece evrak üzerinde kalmakta veya güvenlik talebi şeklinde kalmakta ve sorun yaşanmamaktadır. Türkiye'nin küreselleşen dünyanın saygın bir üyesi olabilmesi için, STK'larının çok sayıda, değişik türde ve ölçekte, yüksek potansiyeli, dünyaya açık, işlevlerini başarıyla yerine getirebilen, kendilerine güven duyulan bir biçimde gelişmesini sağlayabilmesi gerekir.Bu çalışma sonucunda elde edilecek verilerle demokrasi kültürüne katkı sağlayacağımızı düşünerek sivil toplum kuruluşlarının polis ile ilişkilerinin ne kadar önemli olduğunu, faaliyet istatistikleri ve Emniyet verileri kullanılarak açıklanmaya çalışılmaktadır. Bu ilişkilerin geliştirilmesinin demokrasinin gelişimi, demokrasi kültürünün topluma ve kurumlara hakim olması için şart olduğu değerlendirilmeleri yapılacaktır ; Civil Societies, Civil Society Institutions, place of the Civil Society Organizations within the State, democracy, state, state institutions, Police Organization, point of view of the Police organization Civil Societies, liberties, and European concept employed our country agenda as well of the world for a long time. States are loosing their effectiveness and widening liberties field in the globalize world. We begin to recognize that Civil Societies are performing their activities within the field?s state desolated and they are not thinking like the state. Progression period of the Civil Society?s Institutions in our country is after 1980?s. However, we can mention the history of the foundations that are accepted serving to society are based to centuries ago. While the important decision has been taking during the year 1995 on the release of relations between the various civil societies Institutions, changes made on the club law at 2004 it also important regarding to structuring independently from the police, given also self developing possibility to civil society organizations and in increasing variety of activities. In this study, we will undertake point of view of the police forces which are in obligation to provide to civil societies organizations to perform their activities safely within the legal frame work, beside to explain affiliated terms, civil society?s organizations and civil society . Security Department Directorate of the Police organization is obliged to establish relation with the Civil Society Organizations sourced from the laws. Same obligation is stand still for the Civil Society Organizations. Police, while establishing relation categorizes Civil Society organizations and enters in to the communication according to the nature of the duty and the laws are allowed. This communication is limited and moderate. In this study, while examining relation between the Police organization and Civil Society Organization, we will also study up to datedness these laws together with relation failures sourced from the law.Their activities necessary to be limited within the certain measures no matter how much important the Civil Society Organizations for democratic life and culture, and this limitation is also necessity of democracy and importance of the Police behavior and the characteristics of the laws. There is a large difference between Civil Society Organizations of our country and the Civil Society Organizations of the world. Notwithstanding multi-dimensional reasons, main reason is, democracy culture is not established in a proper sense. Ankara Directorate of Police, Security Department Directorate is acting well aware of this absence and runs to set a good example with his behavior and communication during the activities of the Civil Society Organizations. However, these behaviors in the Capital city, special and linked to the persons, it is important that behaviors gains necessary characteristics to apply in Turkey. In this study, even not reflecting the entire point of view of the Police Organization, we tried to draw an outline, on the police opinion and their evaluation on the liberty has been granted to the Civil Society Organizations the laws ad they are communicating with. We must not forget that when we speak about the Civil Society organizations, first thing considered by the police, are the students groups throwing pavement stones, students platforms with illegal pronunciations, syndicates not hesitating to clash with the police, clubs providing substructure to the illegal organizations, and the political parties considered legal according to laws, but not recognizing state values and system and with an attitude and pronunciations against the state in their speeches. Each Civil Society Organizations are that innocent as we are seen fro outside. However, this innocence understands by our public within the time and they betray their response in time. Relation of the Civil Society Organizations acting toward their constitutional aims, respecting laws, honest, and giving their services to the society with the police is only on the paper works such demand of security and posing no problems. For the Turkey becomes a respectful member of the global world, Civil Society organizations must provide progress in a manner of different kind and size, with his high potential and fulfill his functions with success within the trust. With the Data will be obtained at the result of this study, is trying to explain the importance of the relation between the police and Civil Society Organizations for to providecontribution to the democracy by using activity statistics together with security data?s. In this study evaluation on the progress of these relations which is a requirement for the progress of the democracy.
Problem Durumu: Öùretmenlik mesleùi, özelliùi itibari ile doùrudan insan ile ilgili bir iütir. Bu nedenle insan iliükileri yoùun her meslekte olduùu gibi duygu düzenlemesini zorunlu k×lmaktad×r. Duygusal emek olarak adland×r×labilecek bu olgu, mesleki profesyonellik gereùi olarak da öùretmenlerden beklenmektedir. Öùretmenlik, bireysel, sosyal, kültürel, bilimsel, teknolojik boyutlar× olan profesyonel statüde bir eùitim mesleùidir. Günümüz eùitim anlay×ü×nda öùretmenlerden, öùrencilere rol model olmalar×, rehberlik etmeleri, öùrenmeyi öùretmeleri, demokratik tutum ve deùerleri kazand×rmalar× gibi pek çok rol beklenmektedir. Bunun yan×nda öùretmenlerin, eùitim ve öùretimin etkililiùinin saùlanmas×nda okul yöneticileriyle, meslektaülar×yla, velilerle ve diùer paydaülar×yla iübirliùi içerisinde bulunmalar× da gerekmektedir. Öùretmenlerin bütün bu rolleri yerine getirirken, bir profesyonel olarak, kiüisel sorunlar×n× iliükilerine yans×tmamaya özen göstermesi, görev yapt×ù× okulun formal ve informal normlar×na uygun davranmaya çal×ümas× gerekmektedir. Ancak bu anlamda duygular×n yönetilmesinin, psikolojik olarak öùretmenler üzerinde olumsuz etkilerinin olabileceùi öngörülebilir. Bu etkilerden biri de tükenmiülik duygusudur. Araüt×rman×n Amac×: Öùretmenlerinin duygusal emekleri ile tükenmiülik düzeyleri aras×ndaki iliükinin belirlenmesinin amaçland×ù× bu araüt×rmada üu sorulara yan×t aranm×üt×r: 1) Öùretmenlerin duygusal emek ve tükenmiülik düzeyleri nas×ld×r? 2) Öùretmenlerin duygusal emek ve tükenmiülik düzeyleri, cinsiyet, medeni durum, görev, okul türü ve branü deùiükenlerine göre farkl×laümakta m×d×r? 3) Öùretmenlerin duygusal emekleri tükenmiülik düzeylerini yordamakta m×d×r? Araüt×rman×n Yöntemi: Araüt×rma, tarama modelinde desenlenmiütir. Araüt×rman×n evrenini 2013-2014 eùitim öùretim y×l×nda, Kütahya ilinde görev yapan 5600 öùretmen oluüturmaktad×r. Örnekleme girecek öùretmenlerin belirlenmesinde orans×z küme örnekleme tekniùi kullan×lm×üt×r. Örneklem büyüklüùü, % 95 güven düzeyi için 360 olarak hesaplanm×üt×r. Ölçeklerin geri dönüüünde eksiklikler ve özensiz doldurma gibi nedenlerle araüt×rmada kullan×lamayacak ölçekler olabileceùi düüüncesi ile 500 öùretmenden görüü al×nmas×na karar verilmiütir. Elde edilen veri toplama araçlar×ndan kullan×labilir durumda olan 410 tanesi ile analizler yap×lm×üt×r. Araüt×rmada veri toplama arac× olarak Duygusal Emek Ölçeùi ve Maslach Tükenmiülik Ölçeùi kullan×lm×üt×r. Araüt×rmada öùretmenlerin duygusal emek ile tükenmiülik düzeylerini belirlemek amac×yla betimsel istatistikler, ikili karü×laüt×rmalarda t-testi, üç ve daha fazla boyutu olan karü×laüt×rmalarda tek yönlü varyans analizi (ANOVA) kullan×lm×üt×r. Öùretmenlerin duygusal emeklerinin, tükenmiülik düzeylerini anlaml× bir üekilde yorday×p yordamad×ù×n× belirlemek için ise Çoklu Regresyon analizi kullan×lm×üt×r. Araüt×rman×n Bulgular×: Araüt×rmaya kat×lan öùretmenler duygusal emek aç×s×ndan, en az yüzeysel rol yapma (AO=2.51, S=0.95) davran×ü×nda bulunmaktad×r. Bunu, derinden rol yapma (AO=3.71, S=0.92) ve doùal duygular (AO=4.16, S=0.72) izlemektedir. Tükenmiülik aç×s×ndan ise öùretmenler en yüksek tükenmiülik düzeyine duygusal tükenme (AO=1.51, S=0.70) boyutunda sahiptir. Bunu s×ra ile kiüisel baüar×s×zl×k (AO=1.36, S=0.63) ve duyars×zlaüma (AO=1.03, S=0.77) boyutlar× takip etmektedir. Öùretmenlerin tükenmiülik düzeyleri, duygusal tükenme boyutunda "orta", kiüisel baüar×s×zl×k ve duyars×zlaüma boyutlar×nda ise "düüük" düzeydedir. Öùretmenlerin duygusal emekleri cinsiyet, medeni durum, görev, okul türü ve branü deùiükenlerine göre farkl×laümaktad×r. Erkek öùretmenler kad×n öùretmenlere göre [t(408)=3.10; p<.05]; evli öùretmenler evli olmayan öùretmenlere göre [t(408)=2.62; p<.05]; okul yöneticileri öùretmenlere göre [t(408)=2.24; p<.05] daha fazla yüzeysel rol yapma davran×ü× göstermektedir. Öùretmenler ise okul yöneticilerine göre [t(408)=2.10; p<.05] daha fazla doùal davran×ülar göstermektedir. Ayr×ca ilkokul öùretmenleri genel lise öùretmenlerine göre daha fazla yüzeysel [F(3- 406)=4.13; p<.05] ve derinden rol yapma [F(3-406)=2.62; p<.05], genel lise ve meslek lisesi öùretmenlerine göre [F(3-406)=6.69; p<.05] daha fazla doùal davran×ülar göstermektedir. Öùretmenlik tükenmiülik düzeyleri, cinsiyet, medeni durum ve görev (okul yöneticisi, öùretmen) deùiükenlerine göre farkl×l×k göstermemekte; ancak görev yap×lan okul türü deùiükenine göre farkl×laümaktad×r. Meslek liselerinde görev yapan öùretmenlerin duyars×zlaüma düzeyleri [F(3-406)=4.53; p<.05], ilkokullarda görev yapan öùretmenlerden daha fazlad×r. Öùretmenlerin duygusal emeklerinin, duygusal tükenmiülik düzeylerini yorday×p yormad×ù×n×n belirlenmesi amac× ile yap×lan çoklu regresyon analizi yap×l×üt×r. Regresyon analizi sonuçlar×na göre yüzeysel rol yapma ve doùal duygular, öùretmenlerin hem duygusal tükenmesinin hem de duyars×zlaümas×n×n önemli yorday×c×lar×d×r. Ancak derinden rol yapma duygusal tükenme ve duyars×zlaüma üzerinde anlaml× düzeyde etkili deùildir. Öùretmenlerin kiüisel baüar×s×zl×k duygusunu ise duygusal emeùin boyutlar×n×n tümü yordamaktad×r. Duygusal emeùin boyutlar× tümü birlikte, öùretmenlerin duygusal tükenmiülik düzeylerinin % 7'sini, duyars×zlaüman×n % 16's×n×, kiüisel baüar×s×zl×k duygusunun ise % 15'ini aç×klamaktad×r. Duygusal tükenmiülik ile yüzeysel yapma aras×nda pozitif ve düüük (r=0.24); doùal duygular ile negatif ve düüük (r=-0.13) düzeyde bir iliüki bulunmuütur. Duyars×zlaüma ile yüzeysel yapma aras×nda pozitif ve orta (r=0.31); doùal duygular ile negatif ve düüük (r=0.31) düzeyde bir iliüki bulunmuütur. Derinden rol yapma ile duygusal tükenme ve duyars×zlaüma aras×nda iliüki bulunmamaktad×r. Kiüisel baüar×s×zl×k duygusu ile yüzeysel yapma aras×nda pozitif ve düüük (r=0.12); derinden rol yapma ile negatif ve düüük (r=-0.22), doùal duygular ile negatif ve orta (r=-0.35) düzeyde bir iliüki bulunmuütur. Araüt×rman×n Sonuç ve Önerileri: Araüt×rma sonucuna göre, öùretmenlerin duygusal emekleri, onlar×n hem duygusal tükenmiüliklerini hem de duyars×zlaümalar×n× önemli düzeyde düzeyde yordamaktad×r. Bu araüt×rmada duygusal emek, öùretmenlerin mesleki profesyonellik gereùi oynamas× gereken roller olarak ele al×nm×üt×r. Ancak çal×üanlardan beklenen rollerin örgütlerde tahakküme dayal×, profesyonelliùe ve etik ilkelere uymayan, davran×ülar olmas× olas×l×ù× da bulunmaktad×r. Bu nedenle öùretmenlerin yüzeysel rol yapma davran×ülar×n×n nedenlerinin ortaya konulmas× önemlidir. Bu çerçevede bu konuda yap×lacak araüt×rmalar×n nitel olarak desenlenmesi de derinlemesine ve daha ayr×nt×l× bilgi edinmeye katk× saùlayabilir. ; Problem Statement: In the present educational perception, teachers are expected to fulfill many roles, such as becoming role models for students, guiding them, teaching them to learn and instilling democratic attitudes and values within them. In addition, teachers should be in collaboration with the school administration, colleagues, parents and other stakeholders for effective teaching and learning. While fulfilling these roles, teachers should make a conscientious effort not to reflect their personal problems onto their relationships in schools, and should try to behave in compliance with formal and informal norms as professionals. However, it is possible to predict that the regulation of emotions may have a negative impact on teachers in terms of their psychology. Burnout can be described as one of those impacts. Purpose of the Study: The purpose of this research is to determine the relationship between teachers' emotional labor and burnout level. Method: The sample for this survey study consists of 410 teachers working in the schools located in the city center of Kütahya. The data was collected using the Emotional Labor Scale and the Burnout Scale. Descriptive statistics, t-tests, ANOVA and regression analysis were used for analyzing the data. Findings: Results indicate that the teachers exhibit surface acting the least in terms of emotional labor. This is followed by deep acting and naturallyfelt emotions. In terms of burnout, teachers have the highest burnout level when they experience emotional exhaustion, which is followed by a lack of personal accomplishment and depersonalization, respectively. Results of the regression analysis show that surface acting and naturally-felt emotions are the important predictors for both emotional exhaustion and the depersonalization of teachers. However, deep acting does not have a significant impact on emotional exhaustion and depersonalization. Teachers' lack of personal accomplishment is predicted by all aspects of emotional labor. Aspects of emotional labor, as a whole, explain 7% of the emotional exhaustion level of teachers, 16% of depersonalization, and 15% of the lack of personal accomplishment. Conclusion and Recommendations: This study considers emotional labor as a role that should be taken by teachers as a part of their occupational professionalism. However, it is possible that the roles expected from teachers may be based on dominance, non-professional or unethical behaviors. Thus, it is important to reveal the reasons behind teachers' surface acting behaviors. Therefore, designing such studies on the basis of a qualitative approach will contribute to a deeper understanding of these behaviors
Die European Values Study ist ein groß angelegtes, länderübergreifendes und längsschnittliches Umfrage-Forschungsprogramm zu der Frage, wie Europäer über Familie, Arbeit, Religion, Politik und Gesellschaft denken. Die Umfrage wird alle neun Jahre in einer wachsenden Zahl von Ländern wiederholt und bietet Einblicke in die Ideen, Überzeugungen, Präferenzen, Einstellungen, Werte und Meinungen der Bürger in ganz Europa.
Wie die vorhergehenden Erhebungen in den Jahren 1981, 1990, 1999 und 2008 konzentriert sich auch die fünfte EVS-Welle weiterhin auf ein breites Spektrum von Werten. Die Fragen sind zwischen den Wellen und Regionen in hohem Maße vergleichbar, so dass sich der EVS für Forschungsarbeiten zur Untersuchung von Trends im Zeitverlauf eignet.
Mit der neuen Welle wurden die methodischen Standards gestärkt. Das full release des EVS 2017 enthält Daten und Dokumentationen von insgesamt 37 teilnehmenden Ländern. Weitere Informationen finden Sie auf der Website des EVS.
Moralische, religiöse, gesellschaftliche, politische, berufliche und familiäre Werte der Europäer.
Themen: 1. Wahrnehmungen des Lebens: Bedeutung von Arbeit, Familie, Freunden und Bekannten, Freizeit, Politik und Religion; Glück; Selbsteinschätzung der eigenen Gesundheit; Mitgliedschaften in Freiwilligenorganisationen (religiöse oder kirchliche Organisationen, kulturelle Aktivitäten, Gewerkschaften, politische Parteien oder Gruppen, Umwelt, Ökologie, Tierrechte, Berufsverbände, Sport, Freizeit oder andere Gruppen, keine); aktive oder inaktive Mitgliedschaft in humanitären oder karitativen Organisationen, Verbraucherorganisationen, Selbsthilfegruppen oder gegenseitige Unterstützung; Freiwilligenarbeit in den letzten sechs Monaten; Toleranz gegenüber Minderheiten (Menschen anderer Rassen, starke Trinker, Einwanderer, Ausländer, Drogenabhängige, Homosexuelle, Christen, Muslime, Juden und Zigeuner - soziale Distanz); Vertrauen in Menschen; Einschätzung von fairem und hilfsbereitem Verhalten; interne oder externe Kontrolle; Lebenszufriedenheit; Bedeutung von Bildungszielen: wünschenswerte Eigenschaften von Kindern.
2. Arbeit: Einstellung zur Arbeit (Arbeit wird zur Entwicklung von Talenten benötigt, Geld ohne Arbeit zu erhalten, ist demütigend, Menschen werden faul, wenn sie nicht arbeiten, Arbeit ist eine Pflicht gegenüber der Gesellschaft, Arbeit steht immer an erster Stelle); Bedeutung ausgewählter Aspekte der beruflichen Arbeit; Vorrang von Einheimischen vor Ausländern sowie Männern vor Frauen im Job.
3. Religion und Moral: Religionsgemeinschaft; aktuelle und ehemalige Religionsgemeinschaft; Kirchgangshäufigkeit derzeit und im Alter von 12 Jahren; Selbsteinschätzung der Religiosität; Glaube an Gott, Leben nach dem Tod, Hölle, Himmel und Wiedergeburt; persönlicher Gott vs. Geist oder Lebenskraft; Bedeutung Gottes im eigenen Leben (10-Punkte-Skala); Häufigkeit von Gebeten; Moralvorstellungen (Skala: Inanspruchnahme von staatlichen Leistungen ohne Anspruch, Steuerbetrug, Einnahme von weichen Drogen, Annehmen von Bestechungsgeldern, Homosexualität, Abtreibung, Scheidung, Sterbehilfe, Selbstmord, Barzahlung zur Vermeidung von Steuern, Gelegenheitssex, Schwarzfahren im öffentlichen Verkehr, Prostitution, In-vitro-Fertilisation, politische Gewalt, Todesstrafe).
4. Familie: Vertrauen in die Familie; wichtigste Kriterien für eine erfolgreiche Ehe oder Partnerschaft (Treue, angemessenes Einkommen, gutes Wohnen, Aufteilung der Haushaltsarbeit, Kinder, Zeit für Freunde und persönliche Hobbys); Ehe ist eine veraltete Institution; Einstellung zum traditionellen Verständnis der Rolle von Mann und Frau in Beruf und Familie (Geschlechterrollen); homosexuelle Paare sind ebenso gute Eltern wie andere Paare; Verpflichtung gegenüber der Gesellschaft, Kinder zu bekommen; Verantwortung von erwachsenen Kindern für ihre Eltern, wenn sie langfristig betreut werden müssen; Hauptziel im Leben die eigenen Eltern stolz zu machen.
5. Politik und Gesellschaft: Politikinteresse; politische Partizipation; Präferenz für individuelle Freiheit oder soziale Gleichheit; Selbsteinschätzung auf einem Links-rechts Kontinuum (10-Punkte-Skala); individuelle vs. staatliche Verantwortung für die Bereitstellung; Übernahme jedes Jobs vs. Recht auf Ablehnung eines Jobs durch Arbeitslose; Wettbewerb gut vs. schädlich für Menschen; gleiche Einkommen vs. Anreize für individuelle Anstrengungen; privates vs. Staatseigentum von Wirtschaft und Industrie; Postmaterialismus (Skala); wichtigste Ziele des Landes für die nächsten zehn Jahre; Bereitschaft, für das Land zu kämpfen; Erwartung der zukünftigen Entwicklung (weniger Bedeutung der Arbeit und größere Achtung der Autorität); Institutionenvertrauen; wesentliche Merkmale der Demokratie; Bedeutung der Demokratie für den Befragten; Bewertung der Demokratie im eigenen Land; Zufriedenheit mit dem politischen System im Land; bevorzugte Art des politischen Systems (starker Führer, Expertenentscheidungen, Armee sollte das Land regieren, oder Demokratie); Wahlbeteiligung bei Wahlen auf lokaler, nationaler und europäischer Ebene; politische Partei mit der größten Anziehungskraft; andere politische Partei, die am besten gefällt; Bewertung der Wahlen des Landes (Stimmen werden fair ausgezählt, Oppositionskandidaten werden am Arbeiten gehindert, Fernsehnachrichten begünstigen die Regierungspartei, Wählerbestechung, faire Berichterstattung über Wahlen, faire Wahlbeamte, reiche Menschen kaufen Wahlen, Wähler werden von Gewalt bei den Wahlen bedroht); Meinung zum Recht auf Videoüberwachung in öffentlichen Bereichen, Überwachung aller E-Mails und aller anderen im Internet ausgetauschten Informationen, Sammeln von Informationen über jeden im Land ohne dessen Wissen; Interesse an Politik in den Medien; Besorgnis über die Lebensbedingungen der Menschen in der Nachbarschaft, der Menschen in der Region, der Landsleute, der Europäer, aller Menschen weltweit, älterer Menschen, Arbeitsloser, Einwanderer, kranker und behinderter Menschen; gesellschaftliche Ziele (Beseitigung von Einkommensungleichheiten, Grundsicherung für alle, Anerkennung von Menschen nach Verdiensten, Schutz vor Terrorismus).
6. Nationale Identität: Vertrauen in Menschen aus verschiedenen Gruppen (Nachbarschaft, persönlich bekannte Personen, Menschen, die man zum ersten Mal trifft, Menschen einer anderen Religion und Menschen einer anderen Nationalität); geografische Gruppe, der sich der Befragte zugehörig fühlt (Stadt, Region, Land, Europa, Welt); Staatsbürgerschaft; Nationalstolz; Bewertung des Einflusses von Einwanderern auf die Entwicklung des Landes; Einstellung gegenüber Einwanderern und ihren Bräuchen und Traditionen (Arbeitsplatzabbau, zunehmende Kriminalitätsprobleme, Belastung des Sozialsystems des Landes, ihre unterschiedlichen Bräuche und Traditionen erhalten vs. Bräuche übernehmen); wichtige Aspekte der nationalen Identität (im Land geboren worden zu sein, die politischen Institutionen und Gesetze des Landes zu respektieren, Abstammung des Landes, Landessprache sprechen, nationale Kultur teilen); wichtige Aspekte der europäischen Identität (in Europa geboren worden zu sein, europäische Abstammung, Christ sein, europäische Kultur teilen); Einstellung gegenüber der Erweiterung der Europäischen Union.
7. Umwelt: Einstellung zur Umwelt (Skala: Bereitschaft, einen Teil des eigenen Einkommens für die Umwelt zu geben, zu schwierig, viel für die Umwelt zu tun, wichtigere Dinge im Leben als der Umweltschutz, eigene Aktivitäten sind nutzlos, solange andere nicht das Gleiche für die Umwelt tun, Behauptungen über Umweltgefahren sind übertrieben); Schutz der Umwelt vs. Wirtschaftswachstum.
Demographie: Geschlecht; Alter (Geburtsjahr); im Land des Interviews geboren; Geburtsland; Einwanderungsjahr; aktueller rechtlicher Familienstand; Zusammenleben mit dem Partner vor der Heirat oder vor der Eintragung der Partnerschaft; Zusammenleben mit einem Partner; feste Beziehung; Zusammenleben mit Eltern oder Schwiegereltern; Anzahl der Kinder im Haushalt und außerhalb des Haushalts; Anzahl der Personen im Haushalt (Haushaltsgröße); Alter der jüngsten Person im Haushalt; Alter bei Abschluss der Ausbildung; höchster Bildungsgrad (ISCED 97); Beschäftigungsstatus; Beschäftigung oder Selbständigkeit in der letzten Beschäftigung; derzeitige oder letzte Haupttätigkeit; Beruf (ISCO-08, SIOPS-08, ISEI-08, ESEC-08, EGP-11); Anzahl der Mitarbeiter (Unternehmensgröße); Vorgesetztenfunktion und Anzahl der beaufsichtigten Personen; Berufssektor (Regierung oder öffentliche Einrichtung, Privatwirtschaft oder Industrie oder private gemeinnützige Einrichtung); Arbeitslosigkeit länger als drei Monate; Abhängigkeit von der sozialen Sicherung in den letzten fünf Jahren; Höhe des Haushaltseinkommens (wöchentlich, monatlich, jährlich).
Angaben zum Partner/Ehepartner: im Land des Interviews geboren; Geburtsland; höchster Bildungsstand (ISCED 97); Beschäftigungsstatus; Beschäftigung oder Selbständigkeit in der letzten Stelle; derzeitige oder letzte Haupttätigkeit; Beruf (ISCO-08, SIOPS-08, ISEI-08, ESEC-08, EGP-11); Anzahl der Mitarbeiter (Unternehmensgröße); Vorgesetztenfunktion und Anzahl der beaufsichtigten Personen.
Informationen über die Eltern des Befragten: Vater und Mutter im Land des Interviews geboren; Geburtsland von Vater und Mutter; Höhe des Haushaltseinkommens; höchster Bildungsstand von Vater und Mutter (ISCED 97); Beschäftigungsstatus von Vater und Mutter, als der Befragten 14 Jahre alt war; Berufsgruppe des Hauptverdieners im Alter von 14 Jahren; ; Charakterisierung der Eltern, als der Befragte 14 Jahre alt war (Skala: las gerne Bücher, diskutierte mit seinem Kind zu Hause über Politik, verfolgte gerne die Nachrichten, hatte Probleme, über die Runden zu kommen, hatte Probleme, kaputte Dinge zu ersetzen).
Interviewer-Rating: Interesse des Befragten während des Interviews.
Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Befragten-ID; Fallnummer-ID; Erhebungsjahr; Beginn und Ende der Feldarbeit (Jahr und Monat); Ländercode (ISO 3166); Länderkürzel (ISO 3166); Land und Jahr der Feldarbeit (ISO 3166); Art der Datenerhebung; Region (NUTS); Ortsgröße (NUTS); Interviewdatum; Uhrzeit des Interviews (Stunde und Minute des Beginns und des Endes); Sprache des Interviews; Interviewer-Nummer; Mixed mode and matrix design Variablen; Duplizierung von Fällen nach Zusammenführung von Haupt- und Add on Datensätzen; Flag-Variable: Inkonsistenzen; Flag-Variable: vollständiger/unvollständiger Fall; monatliches Haushaltsnettoeinkommen (x1000), korrigiert um ppp in Euro; Gewichtungsfaktoren.
In diesem nationalen Datensatz sind weitere länderspezifische Variablen enthalten.
Die European Values Study ist ein groß angelegtes, länderübergreifendes und längsschnittliches Umfrage-Forschungsprogramm zu der Frage, wie Europäer über Familie, Arbeit, Religion, Politik und Gesellschaft denken. Die Umfrage wird alle neun Jahre in einer wachsenden Zahl von Ländern wiederholt und bietet Einblicke in die Ideen, Überzeugungen, Präferenzen, Einstellungen, Werte und Meinungen der Bürger in ganz Europa.
Wie die vorhergehenden Erhebungen in den Jahren 1981, 1990, 1999 und 2008 konzentriert sich auch die fünfte EVS-Welle weiterhin auf ein breites Spektrum von Werten. Die Fragen sind zwischen den Wellen und Regionen in hohem Maße vergleichbar, so dass sich der EVS für Forschungsarbeiten zur Untersuchung von Trends im Zeitverlauf eignet.
Mit der neuen Welle wurden die methodischen Standards gestärkt. Das full release des EVS 2017 enthält Daten und Dokumentationen von insgesamt 37 teilnehmenden Ländern. Weitere Informationen finden Sie auf der Website des EVS.
Themen: einheitliche Befragtennummer; Ländercode (ISO 3166-1 numerischer Code); Länderkürzel (ISO 3166-1 Alpha-2-Code); Land und Jahr der Feldarbeit (ISO 3166-1 numerischer Code); Art des Berufs der Befragten - 3-stelliger ISCO08-Code; Art des Berufs des Ehegatten/Partners - 3-stelliger ISCO08-Code; Region, in der das Interview durchgeführt wurde: NUTS-3-Code; Region, in der das Interview durchgeführt wurde: ISO_NUTS-3-Code; Größe der Stadt, in der das Interview durchgeführt wurde.
This guide accompanies the following article: Doreen Anderson‐Facile and Shyanne Ledford, 'Basic Challenges to Prisoner Reentry', Sociology Compass 3/2 (2009): 183–195, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2009.00198.xAuthor's IntroductionCrime, incarceration and prisoner reintegration are pressing issues facing the United States today. As the prison population grows at record rates so, in turn, does the reentry of prisoners into society. The transition from prison to the outside world is often difficult for post‐release prisoners, their families, their communities and the larger society. Many formally incarcerated individuals do not have the skills or support to succeed outside prison walls. Unfortunately, when post‐release prisoners are not successfully reintegrated, they are often returned to prison and begin the cycle of incarceration.The following is a course designed around the basic challenges prisoners face upon reentry. The literature suggests that success depends in part on support and overcoming several barriers, such as homelessness and under/unemployment. This course begins with an examination of reentry barriers facing post‐release prisoners followed by an exploration of the relationship between prisoner reentry, race, gender, family, and employment and concludes with an assessment of ongoing research and public policy.Author RecommendsAnderson‐Facile, Doreen. (2009). 'Basic Challenges to Prisoner Reentry'. Sociology Compass, 3(2): 183–95.Anderson‐Facile's review of current research on prisoner reentry yields interesting results. Her article examines prisoner reentry as it relates to the barriers preventing successful reintegration. Anderson‐Facile begins with a look at incarceration and recidivism statistics leading readers through the barriers preventing reentry success. Barriers such as housing, family and community support, employment, and the stigma of a prison record make successful reentry difficult. Anderson‐Facile concludes with a look at current reentry programs. Anderson‐Facile highlights literature suggesting post‐release success begins with rehabilitation and ends with community support. The author notes that many successful programs are faith or character‐based. These programs focus on the individual and assist in substance abuse issues, vocational training, and transitional living arrangements. Finally, Anderson‐Facile notes that programs that work in one community may not show success in other communities, therefore concluding that matching programs with communities is a critical component for assuring post‐release success.Dhami, Mandeep K., David R. Mandel, George Loewesnstein, and Peter Ayton. (2006). 'Prisoners' Positive Illusions of Their Post‐Release Success'. Law and Human Behavior30: 631–47.Dhami et al. examine prisoners' forecasts of reentry success as this may have implications for how prisoners respond to imprisonment, release, and parole decisions. The authors examine sentenced US and UK prisoners' predictions for personal recidivism. The authors also asked UK prisoners how successful they will be compared to the average prisoner. Overall, both samples yielded overly optimistic, unrealistic beliefs about personal reentry success when compared to official data. The UK participants demonstrated a self‐enhancement bias by expressing that they would fair far better than the average prisoner. The authors conclude their article by discussing the implications of their findings and suggest future research possibilities.Holzer, Harry J., Steven Raphael, and Michael A. Stoll. (2002). 'Can Employers Play a More Positive Role in Prisoner Reentry? Urban Institute's Reentry Roundtable'.The authors report that in the early 21st century over 600 000 prisoners were released each year from prison and three million or more ex‐prisoners were in the general population. Holzer et al. indicate that one of the greatest hurdles for a newly released prisoner is finding employment because, as applicants, they are faced with an aversion on the employers part to hiring ex‐offenders. Holzer et al. explore the extent and nature of this aversion. Holzer et al. maintain that interventions by other agencies can help mediate employer aversions to hiring post‐release prisoners.La Vigne, Nancy G., Diana Brazzell, and Kevonne M. Small. (2007). 'Evaluation of Florida's Faith‐ and Character‐Based Institutions'. The Urban Institute.La Vigne et al. produced a summary of the findings from a 'process and impact' evaluation of two of Florida's faith and character‐based programs, also known as FCBIs. The authors' note that FCBIs are founded on principles of self‐betterment and faith development and are often ran by volunteers. The authors gathered data in the following ways: one on one interviews, semi structured interviews with staff members at all levels, focus groups with inmates, administrative data/official documents, and telephone and email communications with state corrections personnel. The authors noted that at six months, male FCBI housed participants were more successful than post‐released prisoners housed in Federal Department of Corrections (FDOC) facilities.La Vigne, Nancy G., Rebecca L. Naser, Lisa E. Brooks, and Jennifer L. Castro. (2005). 'Examining the Effect of Incarceration and In‐Prison Family Contact on Prisoners' Family Relationships'. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice21(4): 314–35.In this article, La Vigne, Naser, Brooks and Castro look at the role of the family in recidivism rates. Specifically, they examine the role of in‐prison contact with family members on released prisoner success. This article first defines family and then looks at the quality of familial bonds at imprisonment and during incarceration. Next, they examine the inter‐personal bonds in relationships, i.e., parent–child vs. husband‐wife of these post‐released prisoners. The authors' findings were inconsistent. For example, in some situations in‐prison contact was detrimental on family relationships and ties, wherein other cases the same contact served to strengthen the family and create a tighter network of family support for the newly released prisoner. These findings suggest further research is necessary.Pager, D. (2003). 'The Mark of a Criminal Record'. The American Journal of Sociology108(5): 937–75.Pager examined the relationship between prior incarceration and race on employment on two teams of subjects. One team consisted of two 23‐year‐old, white men and the other team was two 23‐year‐old, African‐American men. The two teams were nearly identical in personality, appearance, skills and employment history. The variables were race and criminal record. The findings suggest that race and employment history are important factors on post‐released employment. Thirty‐four percent of white applicants without criminal backgrounds received a call back while only 14 percent of black applicants without criminal backgrounds got called back. Seventeen percent of white applicants with criminal records received call backs while only 5 percent of black applicants with criminal records received call backs. These findings indicate that race and not prison record is a greater determinant of employment.Parsons, Mickey L. and Carmen Warner‐Robbins. (2002). 'Factors That Support Women's Successful Transition to the Community Following Jail/ Prison'. Health Care for Women International23: 6–18.Parson and Warner‐Robbins simply state the purpose of their article is to describe the factors that support the successful reentry of post‐release women into the community. The authors look at a specific program called Welcome Home Ministries (WHM), a community‐based program. The authors examine the demographics of the population, the rising incarceration rates, issues that lead to incarceration, and support for post‐release mothers. Through qualitative interviews with women who were participating in WHM programs upon release many themes emerged. The authors argue that these themes lead to implications about what future programs need to support women who are transitioning from prisoner to general public.Seiter, Richard P. and Karen R. Kadela. (2003) 'Prisoner Reentry: What Works, What Does Not, and What is Promising'. Crime and Delinquency49(3): 360–88.Seiter and Kadela examine the nature of the reentry issue and explore which reentry programs show success in reducing recidivism. The authors note a swing from modified sentencing to determinate sentencing which increases length of incarceration as an additional factor in successful reentry. Seiter and Kadela define reentry, categorize programs for prisoner reentry, and use the Maryland Scale of Scientific Method to determine program effectiveness. The authors find that programs that emphasized vocational training and employment development yield the most success.Travis, Jeremy and Joan Petersilia. (2001). 'Reentry Reconsidered: A New Look at an Old Question'. Crime and Delinquency47(3): 291–313.Travis and Petersilia drive prison reform by providing research‐based implications for revamping the current system of prisoner management. While prisoners have always been arrested and released, the authors point out that the numbers of both are increasing. They believe this is a call to action. Travis and Petersilia look at changing sentencing policies, changes in parole supervision, and how the removal and return of prisoners influence communities. The authors highlight the astronomical increase of prisoners at a time when sentencing policies are changing and are often inconsistent. They examine parole, the demographics of transitioning inmates, and the links between reentry and five social policies. The findings provide guidance for development of reentry policies.Wacquant, Loic. (2002). 'Deadly Symbiosis: Rethinking Race and Imprisonment in Twenty‐ First‐Century America'. Boston Review27(2): 22–31.Waquant begins his article with three abrupt facts about racial inequality and imprisonment in the United States all of which point to a 'blackening' of the nations prisons. The author points out that the high percentage of black people incarcerated in the United States is a direct result of four institutions; slavery, the Jim Crow System, the organizational structure of urban ghettos and the growing prison system. One of the main findings, according to Waquant, is that when laws and social reform restricted segregation (technically ended), the prisons picked up where society left off. Essentially he argues that, as evidenced by the ghettos and increasing numbers of African‐Americans behind bars, the prison serves to reaffirm racial inequality.Online MaterialsDepartment of Justice http://www.usdoj.gov/Urban Institute http://www.urban.org/California Departmen of Corrections and Rehabilitation http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/Bureau of Justice Statistics http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjsLloyd Sealy Library at John Jay College http://www.lib.jjay.cuny.edu/Pew Center http://www.pewresearch.org/Sample Syllabus Week 1: Introduction to Prisoner Reentry Anderson‐Facile, Doreen. (2009). 'Basic Challenges to Prisoner Reentry'. Sociology Compass 3/2: 183–95.Visher, Christy A. and Jeremy Travis. (2003). 'Transitions from Prison to Community: Understanding Individual Pathways'. Annual Review of Sociology29: 89–113. Week 2: Introduction to Prisoner Reentry Continued Travis, Jeremy and Joan Petersilia. (2001). 'Reentry Reconsidered: A New Look at an Old Question.'Crime and Delinquency 47/3: 291–313.The Urban Institute. 'Beyond the Prison Gates: The State of Parole in America. A First Tuesday Forum.'http://www.urban.org/url.cfm?ID=900567, November 5, 2002. Week 3: Incarceration, Reentry, and Race Pettit, Becky, and Bruce Western. (2004). 'Mass Imprisonment and the Life Course: Race and Class Inequality in US Incarceration.'American Sociological Review69: 151–169.Wacquant, Loic. (2002). 'Deadly Symbiosis: Rethinking race and Imprisonment in twenty‐first‐century America'. Boston Review 27/2 (April/May): 22–31.Marbley, Aretha Faye and Ralph Ferguson. (2005). 'Responding to Prisoner Reentry, Recidivism, and Incarceration of Inmates of Color: A Call to the Communities'. Journal of Black Studies 35/5(May): 633–49. Week 4: Incarceration, Reentry, and Gender O'Brien, Patricia. (2007). 'Maximizing Success for Drug‐Affected Women after Release from Prison: Examining Access to and Use of Social Services During Reentry'. Women & Criminal Justice 17/2&3: 95–113.Severance, Theresa A. (2004). 'Concerns and Coping Strategies of Women Inmates Concerning Release: 'It's Going to Take Somebody in My Corner"'. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 38/4: 73–97.Parsons, Mickey L. and Carmen Warner‐Robbins. (2002). 'Factors that Support Women's Successful Transition to the Community Following Jail/ Prison.'Health Care for Women International23: 6–18. Week 5: Incarceration, Reentry, and Family/ Home La Vigne, Nancy G., Rebecca L. Naser, Lisa E. Brooks, and Jennifer L. Castro. (2005). 'Examining the Effect of Incarceration and In‐Prison Family Contact on Prisoners' Family Relationships'. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 21/4 (November): 314–35.Pearson, Jessica and Lanae Davis. (2003). 'Serving Fathers Who Leave Prison'. Family Court Review 41/3(July): 307–20.Roman, Caterina Gouvis and Jeremy Travis. (2004). 'Taking Stock: Housing, Homelessness, and Prisoner Reentry,'The Urban Institute.http://www.urban.org/url.cfm?ID=411096, March 8, 2004. Week 6: Incarceration, Reentry, and Employment Pager, Devah. (2003). 'The Mark of a Criminal Record,'American Journal of Sociology 108/5 (March): 937–75.Solomon, Amy L., Kelly Dedel Johnson, Jeremy Travis, and Elizabeth C. McBride. (2004). 'From Prison to Work: The Employment Dimensions of Prisoner Reentry'. Urban Institute Justice Policy Center. October 2004, pp. 1–32. Week 7: Incarceration, Reentry, and Employment Continued Holzer, Harry J., Steven Raphael, and Michael A. Stoll. (2002). 'Can Employers Play a More Positive Role in Prisoner Reentry? A Roundtable Paper'. The Urban Institute, March 20–21, 2002, pp. 1–16.Harrison, Byron, and Robert Carl Schehr. (2004). 'Offenders and Post‐Release Jobs: Variables Influencing Success and Failure'. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 39/3: 35–68. Week 8: Prisoner Reentry: What Works? MacKenzie, Doris Layton. (2000). 'Evidence‐Based Corrections: Identifying What Works'. Crime and Delinquency46: 457–71.Petersilia, Joan. (2004). 'What Works in Prisoner Reentry? Reviewing and Questioning Evidence'. Federal Probation 68/2 (September): 4–8.Seiter, Richard P. and Karen R. Kadela. (2003). 'Prisoner Reentry: What Works, What Does Not, and What is Promising,'Crime and Delinquency 49/3 (July): 360–88. Week 9: Incarceration, Reentry, Research and Public Policy Lynch, James P. (2006). 'Prisoner Reentry: Beyond Program Evaluations.'Criminology and Public Policy 5/2: 401–12.Pager, Devah. (2006). 'Evidence‐Based Policy for Successful Prisoner Reentry'. Criminology and Public Policy 5/3: 505–14.La Vigne, Nancy G. Diana Brazzell, and Kevonne M. Small. (2007). 'Evaluation of Florida's Faith‐ and Character‐Based Institutions'. The Urban Institute http://www.urban.org/url.cfm?ID=411561, October 1, 2007.Jacobson, Michael. (2006). 'Reversing the Punitive Turn: The Limits and Promise of Current Research'. Criminology and Public Policy 5/2: 277–84. Week 10: Incarceration, Reentry, and Outcomes Dhami, Mandeep K., David R. Mandel, George Loewenstein, and Peter Ayton. (2006). 'Prisoners Positive Illusions of Their Post‐Release Success'. Law and Human Behavior30: 631–47.Richards, Stephen C., James Austin, and Richard S. Jones. (2004). 'Kentucky's Perpetual Prisoner Machine: It's About Money'. The Review of Policy Research 21/1: 93–106.Suggested ReadingsEvans, Donald G. (2005). 'The Case for Inmate Reentry'. Corrections Today pp. 28–9.Lynch, James P. and William J. Sabol. (2001). 'Prisoner Reentry in Perspective'. Crime Policy Report3: 1–25.'One in 100: Behind Bars in America 2008'. The Pew: Center on the States 2008, pp. 1–35.Petersilia, Joan. (1999). Parole and Prisoner Reentry in the United States, The University of Chicago.Petersilia, Joan (2003). When Prisoners Come Home: Parole and Prisoner Reentry. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0‐19‐516086‐x.Travis, Jeremy, Amy L. Solomon, and Michelle Waul. (2001). 'From Prison to Home: The Dimensions and Consequences of Prisoner Reentry'. The Urban Institute.Young, D. Vernetta and Rebecca Reviere (2006). Women Behind Bars. London: Lynn Rienner Publishers. ISBN 1‐58826‐371‐1.Focus Questions
Think about the kind of crimes for which people are imprisoned. What types of crimes do you think the majority of the prisoners commit? What precursors would lead to someone being arrested and eventually imprisoned for these types of crimes? What is the likelihood that these factors remain upon release? Do you think prison should be rehabilitative or punitive? Do you think prison is always the best option for criminal behavior (in other words, is the old adage 'if you do the crime you need to do the time' valid?). Why are incarceration and recidivism rates different across race and class? How do you explain the disparities in incarceration rates for people of color? What kind of programs, if any, do you feel should be incorporated into a prison sentence (i.e. job training, counseling, AA, NA, religious opportunities, etc.). Suggested Culminating Activity: Students are to design a pilot program to assist prisoners successfully reenter into the community. Students must have the following parts in their report/ presentation: Prison/Community Summary (what population and community do you want to serve), Program Summary and Justification (what is the program – how does it work and why do you think it is a valuable program), Requirements for Participation in Program, Barriers to Success, Assessment/ Measurement of Success/ Failure, and Conclusion. Students must briefly site articles from this course to support their methodologies and indicate the problems they suspect they will face as they try to determine the success or failure of their program. Budgets and money are a non‐issue. In the 'real' world budgets are always an issue but for the purpose of this assignment they are not. However, when designing your program you should consider whether your design is financially feasible.. The goal of such an assignment is for students to recognize the barriers prisoners face to successful reentry, the evidence and research that goes into creating prisoner policies, and that a program must be multi‐faceted and comprehensive in order to provide a platform for former inmate success.
This sample syllabus above is modeled after a 10 week term. It is recommended for longer terms, that the following book be utilized:Irwin, John. (2005). The Warehouse Prison. California: Roxbury Publishing Company.ISBN: 1‐931719‐35‐7.John Irwin derived his data from a prison in Solano County, California. Irwin watched as incarceration rates doubled between 1980 and 2000 despite crime levels staying relatively stable. Irwin notes that most of the prisoners in his study were incarcerated for 'unserious' crimes and were often treated in unethical ways. Irwin begins by examining incarceration rates, the demographics of the prison population, problems prisoners faced while incarcerated, post‐release difficulties and hurdles, and the societal costs of the prison super‐structure. Irwin offers a thorough examination of why prisoners are incarcerated, what they face while inside prison walls, what challenges they face once released, and the financial implications of imprisoning people.