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This chapter provides an overview of the status and trends in biodiversity and ecosystem function through assessment of key species and habitats, and summarizes the ecological status of selected Nordic regions. Important habitats across the Nordic coastal region include sea grass beds, kelp forests, blue mussel beds and soft sediments. Declines in sea grass have occurred since the 1970's, most likely due to eutrophication and overfishing. Norwegian kelp forests are recovering following severe losses in the 1960–1970's, most likely due to increased water temperature and changes in grazing pressure. Seabird populations have declined significantly during the last decades, reaching historical lows. Knowledge gaps are identified and a common biodiversity indicator system across the Nordic region is suggested. An indigenous local knowledge perspective is also presented.

Hopträngda på ett stort örlogsskepp under 1600-talet kunde det finnas flera hundra människor i många olika befattningar med en mängd olika sociala grupperingar, yrken, förmågor och åldrar representerade. Från samhällets absoluta elit, till människor från lägre samhällsskikt. Den här boken handlar om de många människorna ombord - i skeppssamhället

Electoral autocracies have become the world's most common form of non-democratic rule. In hegemonic autocracies in particular, where the president, or his party, always wins by more than 70 percent of the vote, the electoral process comes across as mere window-dressing. Still, both the regime and the opposition take elections seriously. Why? What role do elections play? The article deals with this question while focusing on the Azerbaijani 2013 presidential election, and consists of three parts. The first is a theoretical introduction dedicated to electoral autocracies and authoritarian stability. The next summarizes the election, stressing its purpose for the opposition. The third part analyses whether and how the election contributed to strengthening the authoritarian regime. The study concludes that developments during and after the election year are an illustration of what in previous research is sometimes referred to as the politics of insecurity. Even though the opposition "lost", the relative success of their campaign indicated that change might, after all, be possible. The regime, depending on regular multi-party elections for its democratic alibi, did not appreciate the uncertainty and tried to minimize it by using the "three pillars" on which authoritarian states' stability can be said to rest: legitimacy, repression and cooptation.