Suchergebnisse

From 2003 to 2012, a new period appears in Latin America. Growth is higher, the «basics» ( trade balance, budgetary balance, international reserves, unemployment, formal employment, inflation) more often better, social policies are more or less important depending on the country, poverty recedes and income inequality seems to decrease. The disappearance of the external constraint in the 2000s made less urgent to proceed with structural reforms. It pays now. From 2012, the difficulties appear in Argentina, the Brazil and, to a lesser extent, to the Mexico. The economic miracle becomes mirage, the new eldorado is not. With the brutal reversal of the price of raw materials, new vulnerabilities appear today and result in the prompt return of the external constraint to which the Governments of these countries thought escaped with rising prices and traded volumes. However, globalization is not guilty. This is the way, at least passive, to fit into the international division of labour which is. ; De 2003 à 2012, une période nouvelle apparait en Amérique latine. La croissance est plus élevée, les « fondamentaux » (soldes de la balance commerciale et du budget, réserves internationales, chômage, emplois formels, inflation) s'améliorent le plus souvent, les politiques sociales sont plus ou moins importantes selon les pays, la pauvreté recule et les inégalités de revenus paraissent diminuer. La disparition de la contrainte externe dans les années 2000 a rendu moins urgent de procéder à des réformes structurelles. Elle se paie aujourd'hui. A partir de 2012, les difficultés apparaissent en Argentine, au Brésil et, dans une moindre mesure, au Mexique. Le miracle économique devient mirage, le nouvel eldorado en n'est pas un. Avec le retournement brutal du cours des matières premières, de nouvelles vulnérabilités apparaissent aujourd'hui au grand jour et se traduisent par le retour rapide de la contrainte externe à laquelle les gouvernements de ces pays pensaient avoir échappé avec la hausse des cours et des volumes échangés. ...

This study is structured around the observation of a gap between the pursuit of apolitical project of a federal nature, the single currency, and implementation tools based onbelonging to a centralized state, the ante budgetary control. This situation results first of lackof trust between them, but the use of tools unsuitable for purpose generates numerousmalfunctions and feeling, for lack of a sufficiently strong association of national parliaments ofa "power of Brussels" seeking to assert itself against the will of the states and their peoples.three texts were introduced [the "six pack", the "Two pack" and the Treaty on Stability,Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (TSCG)] in EuropeanUnion economic coordination that are no longer only indicative and the possibility for the EUto indicate to the structural reforms that these countries must undertake in areas that do notbelong to the field of competence of the European Union raised for the jurist many questionson both the doctrinal foundations of the European Union and on the institutional mechanismsimplemented. ; Cette étude est structurée autour du constat d'un hiatus entre la poursuite d'unprojet politique de nature fédérale, la monnaie unique, et une mise en oeuvre reposant surdes outils appartenant à un état centralisé, le contrôle budgétaire à priori. Cette situation,résulte d'abord du manque de confiance entre les Etats mais l'utilisation d'outils inadaptés aubut poursuivi génère de nombreux dysfonctionnements. Le fait de confier par trois ensemblede textes [le « six pack », le « Two pack » et le Traité sur la stabilité, la coordination et lagouvernance au sein de l'Union économique et monétaire (TSCG)] à l'union européenne unecoordination économique qui ne soit plus uniquement indicative et la possibilité, donnée àcette dernière, d'indiquer aux Etats les réformes structurelles que ces derniers doivententreprendre, dans des domaines qui n'appartiennent pas au champ de compétences del'Union européenne, soulève pour le juriste de ...

Hungary has a long successful history in the Summer Olympics, although the performance of its commercialized global team sports has been decreasing radically in the past decades. Despite the strong political and social willingness to field successful professional sports teams, the trend has not changed. This study attempts to describe the effect of governmental subsidization on professional sport's performance with the aim of understanding why a huge gap has emerged between successful elite sports and the popular but underperforming 'spectacular' teamsports (football, basketball, ice-hockey, handball, water polo) in Hungary. It is important to conceptualize this paradox properly in order to better understand the particular mechanisms of decision-making and changes in sport policies. Our research reviews and analyses the role, status and position of the governing bodies of the Hungarian elite sport system since the structural reforms of 2010. A non-financial audit were conducted with the support of the Hungarian Olympic Committee in which the sixteen prioritized national sports federations were analysed, by interviews with leaders of the federations and filling out a questionnaire by experts of the associations. ; Hungary has a long successful history in the Summer Olympics, although the performance of its commercialised global team sports has been decreasing radically in the past decades. Despite the strong political and social willingness to field successful professional sports teams, the trend has not changed. This study attempts to describe the effect of governmental subsidisation on professional sports performance with the aim of understanding why a huge gap has emerged between successful elite sports and the popular but underperforming 'spectacular' team sports (football, basketball, ice-hockey, handball, water polo) in Hungary. It is important to conceptualise this paradox properly in order to better understand the particular mechanisms of decision-making and changes in sport policies. Our research reviews ...

Despite the mythology that the global economy with its trade rules creates a 'level playing field,' international trade has never involved 'level players.' The inequalities in outcomes generated by the more powerful winning more frequently has led to innovative ideas for ex post redistribution to make the matches between the players both fairer, and in the analogy to basketball used by the authors, more interesting and even more competitive. The proposal for a Global Social Protection Fund, financed by a small tax on the winners to enhance social protection spending for the losers, presumably increasing the latter's capabilities to compete more effectively in the global market game, is one such idea. It has much to commend it. Several problems, however, stand in its way, apart from those inherent within nations themselves and to which the authors give some attention. First, much global trade is now intra-firm rather than international, making calculations of which nations win or lose exceedingly difficult. Second, tax havens persist without the transparency and global regulatory oversights that would allow a better rendering of where winnings are stashed. Third, pre-distribution inequalities (those arising from market activities before government tax and transfer measures apply) are still increasing as labour's power to wrestle global capital into some ameliorative social contract diminishes. Fourth, there are finite limits to a planet on the cusp of multiple environmental crises. These problems do not diminish the necessity of alternative policy playbooks such as the proposed Fund, but point to the need to embrace the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as a single set, such that economic growth for the bottom half of humanity includes deep structural reforms to both pre-distribution and redistribution, if the targets for environmental survival are to be met.

From 2003 to 2012, a new period appears in Latin America. Growth is higher, the «basics» ( trade balance, budgetary balance, international reserves, unemployment, formal employment, inflation) more often better, social policies are more or less important depending on the country, poverty recedes and income inequality seems to decrease. The disappearance of the external constraint in the 2000s made less urgent to proceed with structural reforms. It pays now. From 2012, the difficulties appear in Argentina, the Brazil and, to a lesser extent, to the Mexico. The economic miracle becomes mirage, the new eldorado is not. With the brutal reversal of the price of raw materials, new vulnerabilities appear today and result in the prompt return of the external constraint to which the Governments of these countries thought escaped with rising prices and traded volumes. However, globalization is not guilty. This is the way, at least passive, to fit into the international division of labour which is. ; De 2003 à 2012, une période nouvelle apparait en Amérique latine. La croissance est plus élevée, les « fondamentaux » (soldes de la balance commerciale et du budget, réserves internationales, chômage, emplois formels, inflation) s'améliorent le plus souvent, les politiques sociales sont plus ou moins importantes selon les pays, la pauvreté recule et les inégalités de revenus paraissent diminuer. La disparition de la contrainte externe dans les années 2000 a rendu moins urgent de procéder à des réformes structurelles. Elle se paie aujourd'hui. A partir de 2012, les difficultés apparaissent en Argentine, au Brésil et, dans une moindre mesure, au Mexique. Le miracle économique devient mirage, le nouvel eldorado en n'est pas un. Avec le retournement brutal du cours des matières premières, de nouvelles vulnérabilités apparaissent aujourd'hui au grand jour et se traduisent par le retour rapide de la contrainte externe à laquelle les gouvernements de ces pays pensaient avoir échappé avec la hausse des cours et des volumes échangés. ...

Статья посвящена политике китайских и индийских национальных энергетических компаний по приобретению зарубежных нефтегазовых активов, проводимой на протяжении последних двух десятилетий. В работе ставится вопрос лежат ли в основе инвестиционной политики коммерческие интересы акционеров или воля политического руководства двух стран. Чтобы ответить на него, автор исследует организацию китайских и индийских государственных нефтяных компаний и их структуру собственности, основы которых были заложены в 1990-х гг., когда в национальных энергетических секторах Индии и Китая были проведены кардинальные преобразования, позволившие превратить архаичные административно-командные структуры в современные госкорпорации, способные конкурировать с ведущими западными нефтегазовыми компаниями. Особое внимание в статье уделяется конкуренции между китайскими и индийскими компаниями, исследуется проблема способна ли эта конкуренция повлиять на политические отношения между Пекином и Дели, а также спровоцировать эскалацию существующих конфликтов или появление новых. Для ответа на этот вопрос автором был проанализирован ряд показательных проектов в различных регионах мира, в рамках которых столкнулись интересы нефтегазовых компаний из Китая и Индии. ; This article concerns overseas oil & gas assets acquisitions made by Chinese and Indian national oil companies (NOCs) within the last two decades. The paper analyzes whether these companies pursue commercial interests of their shareholders or political will of national governments. To answer this question the author examines Chinese and Indian corporations' organization and ownership structure foundations of which were laid in the 1990s when both countries' energy sectors faced structural reforms resulted in transforming archaic governmental organizations into modern competitive state-owned corporations that could compete with the leading Western oil and gas companies. The article also scrutinizes competition between Chinese and Indian companies so as to find out if it is able to affect political relations between Beijing and Delhi, exacerbates existing conflicts or cause the emergence of the new ones. To address this issue the author analyzes some cases of Sino-Indian clash of energy interests in different regions of the world.

From 2003 to 2012, a new period appears in Latin America. Growth is higher, the «basics» ( trade balance, budgetary balance, international reserves, unemployment, formal employment, inflation) more often better, social policies are more or less important depending on the country, poverty recedes and income inequality seems to decrease. The disappearance of the external constraint in the 2000s made less urgent to proceed with structural reforms. It pays now. From 2012, the difficulties appear in Argentina, the Brazil and, to a lesser extent, to the Mexico. The economic miracle becomes mirage, the new eldorado is not. With the brutal reversal of the price of raw materials, new vulnerabilities appear today and result in the prompt return of the external constraint to which the Governments of these countries thought escaped with rising prices and traded volumes. However, globalization is not guilty. This is the way, at least passive, to fit into the international division of labour which is. ; De 2003 à 2012, une période nouvelle apparait en Amérique latine. La croissance est plus élevée, les « fondamentaux » (soldes de la balance commerciale et du budget, réserves internationales, chômage, emplois formels, inflation) s'améliorent le plus souvent, les politiques sociales sont plus ou moins importantes selon les pays, la pauvreté recule et les inégalités de revenus paraissent diminuer. La disparition de la contrainte externe dans les années 2000 a rendu moins urgent de procéder à des réformes structurelles. Elle se paie aujourd'hui. A partir de 2012, les difficultés apparaissent en Argentine, au Brésil et, dans une moindre mesure, au Mexique. Le miracle économique devient mirage, le nouvel eldorado en n'est pas un. Avec le retournement brutal du cours des matières premières, de nouvelles vulnérabilités apparaissent aujourd'hui au grand jour et se traduisent par le retour rapide de la contrainte externe à laquelle les gouvernements de ces pays pensaient avoir échappé avec la hausse des cours et des volumes échangés. ...

From 2003 to 2012, a new period appears in Latin America. Growth is higher, the «basics» ( trade balance, budgetary balance, international reserves, unemployment, formal employment, inflation) more often better, social policies are more or less important depending on the country, poverty recedes and income inequality seems to decrease. The disappearance of the external constraint in the 2000s made less urgent to proceed with structural reforms. It pays now. From 2012, the difficulties appear in Argentina, the Brazil and, to a lesser extent, to the Mexico. The economic miracle becomes mirage, the new eldorado is not. With the brutal reversal of the price of raw materials, new vulnerabilities appear today and result in the prompt return of the external constraint to which the Governments of these countries thought escaped with rising prices and traded volumes. However, globalization is not guilty. This is the way, at least passive, to fit into the international division of labour which is. ; De 2003 à 2012, une période nouvelle apparait en Amérique latine. La croissance est plus élevée, les « fondamentaux » (soldes de la balance commerciale et du budget, réserves internationales, chômage, emplois formels, inflation) s'améliorent le plus souvent, les politiques sociales sont plus ou moins importantes selon les pays, la pauvreté recule et les inégalités de revenus paraissent diminuer. La disparition de la contrainte externe dans les années 2000 a rendu moins urgent de procéder à des réformes structurelles. Elle se paie aujourd'hui. A partir de 2012, les difficultés apparaissent en Argentine, au Brésil et, dans une moindre mesure, au Mexique. Le miracle économique devient mirage, le nouvel eldorado en n'est pas un. Avec le retournement brutal du cours des matières premières, de nouvelles vulnérabilités apparaissent aujourd'hui au grand jour et se traduisent par le retour rapide de la contrainte externe à laquelle les gouvernements de ces pays pensaient avoir échappé avec la hausse des cours et des volumes échangés. ...

Emerging countries in many cases are more crisis-prone than highly developed industrialized countries. This is in many cases due to a weak or volatile financial sector. The best policy to strengthen crisis resistance is the building up of a sound financial position. A sound financial position of a country also increases the capacities to get out of a crisis. For getting out of a crisis, however, an important additional general condition must be fulfilled: the economy must increase its international competitiveness to assure growth, the only way out of a crisis. Building up a sound financial position and a competitive private sector, therefore, should be a pre-crisis policy. It relates to the public sector as well as the financial institutions. Once a crisis has erupted in an unsound financial environment there is no chance to escape a crisis sustainably avoiding a painful process. The blueprint for getting out of a crisis suggests a complex policy approach. The private financial sector must undergo structural reforms (in reality closing down or downscaling unsound institutions) and the government must apply fiscal austerity measures to reduce public debt, regaining credibility and by this creating new fiscal options for counteracting crisis effects. Labour costs can be reduced by increasing the labour market flexibility (e.g. by easier hiring and firing and higher wage spreads especially towards the lower wage scale) and by measures directly reducing labour costs. The result of such measures will be an increase of unemployment and of felt unemployment risks by large population groups as well as general real income losses from labour. The fiscal austerity measures in addition and in short term will reduce economic activities and thus aggravate the social problems. These negative social effects of getting out of a crisis are the most crucial and controversial policy issue. People and their interest organizations to a greatly varying extent will accept or refuse.

Capítulos en libros ; La falta de proactividad política a favor de unas reformas estructurales urgentes que nuestra joven pero agotada democracia requiere actualmente no significa que la sociedad civil no las desee o anhele. Significa, fundamentalmente, que el carácter disfuncional de la acción colectiva de muchos movimientos sociales españoles está vinculado a la falta de representatividad que padece el sistema político vigente y a la manifiesta insostenibilidad del Estado del Bienestar. Esta dinámica dificulta la organización y representación de grandes colectivos ciudadanos con visión política a largo plazo y dispuestos a regenerar el modelo social. En el presente trabajo se reflexiona críticamente sobre los postulados asumidos por numerosos movimientos sociales en España, en los que subyacen demandas desvinculadas de una referencia ética al bien común de la sociedad española, y cuyo activismo irreflexivo ha puesto en marcha una dinámica reivindicatoria que impide la construcción de un proyecto de nación con un Estado sostenible y un planteamiento más abierto y auténticamente regenerador de la política y de las instituciones democráticas. ; The lack of political proactivity for some urgent structural reforms that our young but exhausted democracy requires does not mean that civil society does not want them. It means, essentially, that the dysfunctional nature of collective action of many Spanish social movements is linked to the lack of representativeness afflicting the political system and the obvious unsustainability of the current Welfare State. This dynamic hinders the organization and representation of large groups of citizens with long-term political vision willing to regenerate the social model. In this paper we reflect critically on the assumptions made by many social movements in Spain, whose unthinking activism has launched a vindicating dynamic that prevents construction of a national project, a sustainable State and a more open and regenerative politics and democratic institutions. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The low volatility observed during the global financial crises and the importance of externalities on simulating host economies attribute considerable interest to foreign direct investment especially for developing countries (DCs). Therefore, the territorial attractiveness became the main priority for DCs's policies towards more international openness. This explains the multitude of structural reforms and attractive strategies adopted by these economies over the last two decades. The contribution of this thesis is based on the analysis of FDI determinants at the macroeconomic and mesoeconomic level. The first study estimates the territorial attractiveness of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). We have applied the new contributions of the spatial econometric specification to examine the bilateral flows from 16 OECD countries to eight MENA countries over the period 1985-2010. The purpose is to jointly evaluating the spatial interregional contribution to explain the nature of FDI present in the region and the role of the spatial intraregional autocorrelation to promote investment in the studied areas. The second study proceeds to analyze the specificity of Moroccan investment climate subject of this research. It consists to compare different economic sectors by identifying the significance of the FDI determinants in the primary, secondary and tertiary sectors. Thus, we estimate the impact of macroeconomic variables on FDI inflows within nine sectors. Thereafter, three institutional variables are individually incorporated to approximate the various elasticities of the legal and administrative climate on FDI attractiveness. ; L'aspect peu volatil observé durant les différentes crises financières et l'importance des externalités relatives à la simulation des économies hôtes attribuent aux IDE une dimension considérable surtout pour les pays en développement (PED). Dès lors, l'attractivité du territoire est devenue la priorité principale des politiques des PED vers une ouverture sur les marchés internationaux. Ce ...

The manifold and overlapping crises of the European Union call for a systematic analysis from the perspective of constitutional law. In this article the reader is provided with a legal-dogmatic analysis of the punctual decisions and structural reforms that have been taken to contain and overcome the economic, financial, fiscal, macroeconomic and political crises; an elucidation of the resulting constitutional transformation of European Union law; and a normative assessment of the implications that the resulting constitutional mutation has, very especially with respect to the integrity of the regulatory ideal of the Social and Democratic Rechtsstaat. The main thesis of the article is that the ongoing constitutional mutation constitutes a direct threat to democratic constitutionalism in Europe. Either the constitutional changes are halted and reversed, or democratic politics is bound to become an empty shell. ; La serie de crisis que sufre la Unión Europea desde finales de 2006 requieren un análisis sistemático desde una perspectiva constitucional. El presente trabajo tiene como principal objetivos el jurídico-dogmático de esclarecer el contenido sustantivo de la transformación constitucional de la Unión Europea a resultas de las medidas adoptadas para contener y eventualmente superar las citadas crisis; y el valorativo de determinar cuáles son las principales consecuencias que la mutación constitucional en marcha tiene sobre la integridad del ideal regulador del derecho constitucional de los Estados Miembros y de la Unión Europea, el Estado Social y Democrático de Derecho. En este artículo se sostiene que existen razones fundadas para concluir que la mutación constitucional pone en peligro la integridad del edificio constitucional europeo, o lo que es lo mismo, la transformación del derecho europeo en marcha conducirá a la quiebra del estado constitucional, salvo que se ponga remedio y fuerce al tren político, económico y social a cambiar de binario constitucional (a volver, en buena medida, al binario constitucional).

Unsuccessful attempts to join the euro zone enables the authors to state that Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union is an insufficiently researched topic. Identification of the problems and prospects of Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union is especially important, because only when the problems are rectified, will it be possible to join the European Monetary Union successfully. It will also be possible to assess the potential risks and benefits of changing the national currency to the euro. Therefore, Lithuanian macroeconomic indicators are analyzed and compared with the convergence criteria. In addition, Estonia's and Slovenia's experience is investigated, because these countries have joined the euro area despite having a difficult macro-economic environment. It should be noted that the establishment of a single currency completed the integration of European countries and preconditioned the belief that joining the European Monetary Union will maintain price stability and a sustainable economic growth. Performed analysis of macro-economic indicators allows the authors to state that the major risk factor for Lithuania's integration process into the European Monetary Union has been and remains a too high rate of inflation. The main factors influencing the high inflation are a large amount of money in circulation, low inflation control, budget imbalances and a lack of execution about strict fiscal policy. In 2013, it is predicted that Lithuania will have a 2.5 percent inflation rate and the convergence criteria is expected to be equal to 2.6 percent, so the risk that inflation may be uncontrolled remains. In order to finally integrate into the monetary union, the Lithuanian government should pursue strict fiscal policy as well as structural reforms to ensure stability for prices and finance in the government sector. Establishment of the euro would promote foreign investment in the country, [.]

The paper was first presented at the RC19 meeting, session 5, in the context of the 2010 Gothenburg International sociological association meeting, on the 13th of July. ; In the domain of social protection and social policy, a conventional way of trying to document "Europeanization" has always been to track European English policy discourses at the EU level and in the nations of Europe. Notions that crystallize the normative orientations promoted in the forums of political communication and in the policy communities are numerous. All of them are crafted in English and travel across national forums of political communication and national scientific forums. The present paper selects two such notions, i.e. "activation" and "flexicurity" and carefully studies the locus of their inventions and the travels across many countries and many forums – national and transnational. The precise documentation is based on participation in numerous forums, field studies in Denmark, Germany, France, the United Kingdom and Italy over a long period (1997-2008). The findings are all relevant for this period, i. e. prior to the upheaval of social policies at the EU level and in the member states provoked by the financial and economic crisis. They have in common to identify the dissemination of a standard discourse and the resilience of national substantive choices and roles of actors of social protection and labour market policies. Because the paper is written with hindsight, taking stock of the late 1990s and early 2000s, a de facto comparison unexpectedly becomes feasible with the crisis period (2008-2014). The counterfactual is easy to design: a powerful Europeanization of systems of social protection and labour markets has happened in this second period, via the highly constrained implementation of structural reform and budget cuts programmes deemed to satisfy macroeconomic and macrofiscal orientations decided at the EU level, especially within the Eurozone, and especially in the Southern member states. Whereas the Europeanization ...

The paper was first presented at the RC19 meeting, session 5, in the context of the 2010 Gothenburg International sociological association meeting, on the 13th of July. ; In the domain of social protection and social policy, a conventional way of trying to document "Europeanization" has always been to track European English policy discourses at the EU level and in the nations of Europe. Notions that crystallize the normative orientations promoted in the forums of political communication and in the policy communities are numerous. All of them are crafted in English and travel across national forums of political communication and national scientific forums. The present paper selects two such notions, i.e. "activation" and "flexicurity" and carefully studies the locus of their inventions and the travels across many countries and many forums – national and transnational. The precise documentation is based on participation in numerous forums, field studies in Denmark, Germany, France, the United Kingdom and Italy over a long period (1997-2008). The findings are all relevant for this period, i. e. prior to the upheaval of social policies at the EU level and in the member states provoked by the financial and economic crisis. They have in common to identify the dissemination of a standard discourse and the resilience of national substantive choices and roles of actors of social protection and labour market policies. Because the paper is written with hindsight, taking stock of the late 1990s and early 2000s, a de facto comparison unexpectedly becomes feasible with the crisis period (2008-2014). The counterfactual is easy to design: a powerful Europeanization of systems of social protection and labour markets has happened in this second period, via the highly constrained implementation of structural reform and budget cuts programmes deemed to satisfy macroeconomic and macrofiscal orientations decided at the EU level, especially within the Eurozone, and especially in the Southern member states. Whereas the Europeanization ...