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It is often argued that new social movements, in contrast to earlier ones such as the Wc movement, should be analyzed primarily in terms of value change rather than of structural characteristics of movement participants. The influence of three major value types associated with new social movements -- postmaterialism, individualism & hedonism, & antimodernism -- on the Dutch peace movement is examined through research findings. Individualism & hedonism are unrelated or negatively related, & antimodernism is only weakly related, to the individual potential for new social movements; only postmaterialism is strongly related to it. Postmaterialism is itself primarily related to structural variables such as SC position & integration into institutions such as the Church & the private sector of the economy that reproduce existing social conditions. These findings call the current emphasis on values change into question. 4 Tables, 21 References. Modified HA

J. Galtung's redefinition of the concept of peace is a classic example of an attempt to reorient a discipline by coining a new term; but it should not be the pleasant connotation of the term 'positive peace', but its usefulness in studying factual violence, which should be decisive in determining the merits of the new definition. Three objections to Galtung's definition are raised: (1) It is quite ineffective to criticize the 'minimal' definition of violence, which is meant to refer to observable phenomena, by counterproposing a theoretical construct. Galtung's definition of violence, which, apart from 'direct' violence, includes also 'structural' violence, needs prior operationalization before it can be used in empirical research. (2) Although Galtung's use of the term 'structural violence' suggests otherwise, any indication of the social units to which the 'actual' & 'potential realizations' in his definition of violence refer, is lacking. Most of Galtung's examples are at the individual level. Social interdependencies (eg, those resulting from the DofL) necessitate the introduction of properties of the SE order in Galtung's terminology & require that he make explicit how 'the best attainable realizations' (as the most likely interpretation of 'potential realizations') can be incorporated in his thinking. (3) In drawing a distinction between 'personal violence' & 'structural violence', Galtung mistakes a distinction between theoretical alternatives in the study of violence (ie, the Clausewitzian approach vs the causal-empirical approach) for a distinction between kinds of violent relationships. In emphasizing that the causes of war should also be searched for in periods of peace, Q. Wright has shown that 'positive peace' cannot be considered as an alternative for 'negative peace'. Nevertheless, Galtung's use of the term has induced serious disagreement among peace researchers about the most desirable research strategy in their discipline. 'Critical' peace researchers (Galtung not included) tend to rely on ideological testimony instead of empirical proof for the causes of violence. Research into those causes, including the relationship between social injustice & violence, is regarded a more fruitful approach. 6 Tables. Modified HA.

Introduces a journal symposium (see abstracts of related articles) on the influence of pressure groups on politics in Belgium. The ambivalent character of the contribution of power groups to democracy is discussed, distinguishing explanations based on the pluralist tradition, according to which groups are channels to democracy, & elite theories, which stress the power of oligarchies in the democratic hierarchy. Subsequently, Ingrid Vanhoren's (1990) categorization of external (eg, cultural & structural situation) & internal (eg, financial power & organizational infrastructure) characteristics of groups is used to determine what renders some groups more powerful than others. It is argued that the characteristics of groups are related to structural logics of power. In postwar Belgium, dominant power structures include vertical pluralism or pillarization, pillar-crossing cleavages, neocorporatism, & postmaterialism. An attempt is made to contextualize the recent globalization processes within the framework of these structural logics of power. Adapted from the source document.

Results of a survey of political candidates in the Nov 1991 elections in Flanders, Belgium, are used to investigate the role of gender differences in degree of political representation. It is noted that male (M) candidates have advantages in educational attainment, professional status, & domestic life. Ms are more likely to hold university degrees & positions of authority in the political party or corporate business. Females (Fs) are more often than Ms responsible for child care & domestic work. F political underrepresentation is a structural problem, despite gains in equality of the sexes over the last fifty years. A structural intervention by the government in guaranteeing gender-based equal opportunity is suggested. 9 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

This paper challenges the well-established dichotomy to explain international power phenomena either as hard power or soft power. Reflecting the observation of an increasing decoupling between power capacities of the states and their ability to prevail in international conflicts, the author assumes the existence of a third power category whose origins and models of action are not sufficiently recognized and researched. Borrowing the idea of 'structural power' from Susan Strange, he advocates the hypothesis that it is this third power capacity that frequently makes powerful countries powerless and less powerful countries more assertive. Adapted from the source document.

In this 30th edition of the Yearbook on Poverty and Social Exclusion, we look back on 30 years of fighting poverty. How have the poverty figures evolved? We take a closer look at access to justice, education and housing. Next, we are looking for an answer to the question of what constitutes a structural poverty policy. Can the law be of any significance here? This year's theme section is dedicated to the coronapandemic and its link to poverty. Subsequently, a number of civil society organisations are given a chance to express their expertise and findings. In a final section, the Yearbook presents an overview of figures on poverty and social exclusion.

Reviews urban policy in Belgium, particularly Flanders, since 1991. The remarkable success of the extremist right-wing party, Vlaams Blok, in urban areas in both the 1991 & 1994 national elections has increased attention to urban renewal & social housing policies. Today's urban policy consists of two main elements: (1) levying taxes on empty & run-down buildings to promote renovation & reduce speculation & (2) establishing a structural & result-oriented fund that channels significant amounts of money to problem areas. Also, inner-city areas are placed in a regional framework, arguing that administrative city boundaries should include wealthy suburbs, inhabited primarily by people whose livelihood depends on the city, as well as inner-city problem areas. Adapted from the source document.

An empirical test of hypotheses that explain Left/Right political preferences on the basis of economic self-interest or of status. The diagonal mobility models developed by Michael E. Sobel (see SA 30:3/82M2954) are applied to survey data from the Netherlands for 1970/71 & 1977. The hypothesis that yields the best fitting model is that based on the assumption that individuals behave according to economic self-interest, but with a time-lag before taking on the political preferences of a newly entered status category. Macro-effects on society can thus be expected to reflect net structural mobility rather than total mobility, as would be suggested by status hypotheses. 10 Tables, 30 References. Modified HA

This thesis describes the parliamentary scrutiny system of the Dutch Government in the European decision-making process. More specifically, this study concerns the instruments of the British parliamentary scrutiny reserve and the Danish and Austrian mandating systems, and the added value that such instruments might have for the Netherlands. The main lesson to be learned from the British scrutiny reserve is that both the Government and Parliament are encouraged to become actively involved at an early stage of the European decision-making process. The system also ensures structural provision of information throughout the European decision-making process. In the Netherlands such structural information agreements between Parliament and the Government do not exist. The introduction of a parliamentary scrutiny reserve would solve this problem. The instrument of the parliamentary reserve that was introduced in the Netherlands when the Lisbon Treaty entered into force is much more limited than the British scrutiny reserve. The Dutch parliamentary reserve lacks the most essential aspect that makes the scrutiny reserve a valuable instrument. It is not linked to Government information and therefore does not stimulate as much dialogue between the Government and Parliament from the earliest stages of the European decision-making process as the British scrutiny reserve does. The Danish mandating system adds little to the Dutch Parliament's existing instruments to scrutinize the Government in the EU decision-making process. It may be doubted whether a mandating system would be suitable in a bicameral system such as the Dutch one. The Tweede Kamer (the Dutch House of Representatives) and the Eerste Kamer (the Dutch Senate) may occasionally give contradictory instructions. Furthermore, the fact that the presentation of the mandates often takes place at a later stage of the European decision-making process can be seen as a major drawback of the Danish mandating system. Despite the fact that the system ensures that Parliament is ...