Suchergebnisse

Research on economic growth and development in developing countries has often highlighted the role of liberalisation policies (economic and political) in improving economic performance in the developing world. In sub-Saharan Africa, in particular, efforts at fostering economic growth and development have not only resulted in the adoption of these policies, but have also led to the proliferation of regional economic integration (include monetary unification). Nonetheless, the impact of these policies on economic performance continues to be a subject of debate among policy makers, development partners, academic researchers, and the international community at large. This debate has become increasingly important in light of the challenges facing the aforementioned agents in helping to improve the economic performance of these countries. This thesis focuses on this topic providing empirical evidence for sub-Saharan African countries. The first chapter uses post-liberalisation data on Ghana and focuses on the extent to which trade openness and foreign aid inflows impact on economic growth. Ghana, being one of the forerunners to adopt liberalisation policies in sub-Saharan Africa, has received commendations from the international community for its post-liberalisation economic growth performance. This has increased government commitment in recent years to open the economy to international competition. Moreover, foreign aid inflows over the period have been relatively large. The study, which employs the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) bounds testing approach to cointegration, provides empirical findings, which clearly indicate that the impact of both trade openness and foreign aid on Ghana's post-liberalisation economic growth is positive and statistically significant in both the short-run and the long run, although this is somewhat reduced by their interaction. In addition, the study reveals long run economic growth benefits of Ghana's political system whilst government spending and labour force performance retarded economic growth over the study period. The empirical findings and policy recommendations are relevant for Ghana's long-term economic growth policy reforms. The second chapter, taken cognisance of the fact that sub-Saharan Africa has been characterised by low-income levels for decades, analyses the impact of economic globalisation and democracy on income levels in the area using panel cointegration techniques. The study considers a composite indicator for economic globalisation and several indicators of democracy and highlights the essence of the simultaneous adoption of economic globalisation and democracy for sub-Saharan African countries. The empirical results, based on a sample of 31 countries over the period 1980-2005, clearly indicate that, whilst the total long run impact of economic globalisation on income levels has been beneficial, the total long run impact of democracy has been the bane of the level of income in sub-Saharan Africa. The study concludes that policy reforms should be aimed at improving democratic institutions in sub-Saharan Africa for its potential benefits to be realised The third chapter focuses on the implications of trade openness, foreign aid and democracy for the fulfilment of Wagner's law in West African Monetary Zone (WAMZ) countries. Although the impact of trade openness, foreign aid and democracy on government expenditure in developing countries has been emphasised in the literature in recent decades most recent studies of Wagner's law have often neglected the increasing role played by these policy variables. The study provides an empirical analysis of the long run implications of trade openness, foreign aid and democracy for the fulfilment of Wagner's law in WAMZ countries using panel data techniques for the period 1980-2008. The study finds the existence of Wagner's law in WAMZ countries, but only when the role of these policy variables has been catered for. The analysis concludes that, if these countries are to meet the fiscal convergence criteria and ensure the sustainability of a single currency area, explicit sets of restraint on the national authorities and innovative and efficient ways of domestic revenue generation necessary to ensure that government revenue keep pace with its expenditure become crucial, because the monetary union by itself may not necessarily ensure fiscal discipline. The fourth chapter focuses on the relationship between democracy, government spending, and economic growth. Although, economic theory predicts that various core functions of governments are growth enhancing, its spending in non democratic countries often goes beyond these core functions, namely into rent-seeking and non-productive activities. The study employs the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) bounds testing approach to cointegration to investigate the extent to which democracy and government spending have had an impact on economic growth in Ghana over the period 1960-2008. The empirical results obtained are encouraging, revealing support for the high efficiency of government spending in democracies hypothesis. The study demonstrates that democracy and government spending go hand in hand in providing a complementary role to impact positive on economic growth in Ghana in both the long-and short-run. The fifth chapter investigates the impact of trade openness on economic growth and development for a sample of 85 middle-income countries over the period 1970-2009. The study employs non-stationary heterogeneous panel cointegration techniques that take into consideration the impact of cross-section dependence. The analysis reveals four important findings. Firstly, that trade openness has been one of the main drivers of the level of development, but not of economic growth in middle-income countries. Secondly, that trade openness is both a cause and a consequence of the level of development in middle-income countries. Thirdly, that neglecting the impact of cross-section dependence overestimates the coefficient linked to the long-run relationship between trade openness and development. Lastly, and most importantly, that these results are consistent for all the 20 middle-income sub-Saharan African countries included in the sample.

Five years after the beginning of the Libyan conflict, the political situation is swinging between the efforts for a diplomatic solution under the auspices of the United Nations and the possibility of a new international military intervention. The migratory dimension of the crisis and its increasing dynamics in connection with the Libyan civil war have now become one of the main argument in order to support the plan for a new military intervention in the country. Beyond the conflict, the chapter argues that Libya has continued to be mainly a country of destination despite any recurrent representation of Libya as a country of transit on the route toward Europe. In a context of crisis and state fragmentation, the policies for migrants' containment that Italy and the European Union have implemented in collaboration with the Libyan authorities unexpectedly reveal a process of institutional re-building from 2012 up to the resumption of the civil war in 2014. ; À cinq ans de distance du début du conflit en Libye, la situation oscille aujourd'hui entre les tentatives de médiation sous l'égide des Nations Unies et la menace d'une nouvelle intervention internationale. Précisément, la dimension migratoire de la crise, c'est-à-dire celle des flux liés de différente manière et en différentes directions au cycle de la guerre civile en Libye a fini par accéder au statut d'argument par excellence pour justifier l'hypothèse d'une nouvelle intervention dans le pays. Au-delà des logiques de guerre, le texte montre comment la Libye avait continué à être un pays de destination avant tout, contrairement aux représentations habituelles de ce pays comme simple terre de passage vers l'Europe. En ce sens, les différentes politiques italiennes et européennes mises en oeuvre en collaboration avec les autorités libyennes révèlent que, dans un contexte de crise et de fragmentation de l'État, les politiques migratoires et les intérêts stratégiques européens sont à la base d'un processus de reconstruction institutionnelle entre 2012 et 2014, avant l'escalade du conflit dans le pays. ; À cinq ans de distance du début du conflit en Libye, la situation oscille aujourd'hui entre les tentatives de médiation sous l'égide des Nations Unies et la menace d'une nouvelle intervention internationale. Précisément, la dimension migratoire de la crise, c'est-à-dire celle des flux liés de différente manière et en différentes directions au cycle de la guerre civile en Libye a fini par accéder au statut d'argument par excellence pour justifier l'hypothèse d'une nouvelle intervention dans le pays. Au-delà des logiques de guerre, le texte montre comment la Libye avait continué à être un pays de destination avant tout, contrairement aux représentations habituelles de ce pays comme simple terre de passage vers l'Europe. En ce sens, les différentes politiques italiennes et européennes mises en oeuvre en collaboration avec les autorités libyennes révèlent que, dans un contexte de crise et de fragmentation de l'État, les politiques migratoires et les intérêts stratégiques européens sont à la base d'un processus de reconstruction institutionnelle entre 2012 et 2014, avant l'escalade du conflit dans le pays.

The political project of decolonization was based on a "total, complete, and absolute substitution" (Fanon) of a system with another, but in the urban geography of Sub-Saharan Africa this process has been long, complex and not without ambiguity. On one hand, we observe a radical discontinuity in place names, in the administrative structure and in the monumental landscape of African cities; on the other, postcolonial urban planning and architecture showed strong continuity with the colonial functionalist model. In recent African urban projects as well, we observe the action of a colonial rationality, based on the removal of existing territories and on the production of standardized and fragmented urban spaces.

The research is part of the global history of the Decolonization and Cold War, focusing on the formation and development of the postcolonial states of the former French Sub-Saharan Africa (Guinea, Mali, Senegal, Cameroon, Congo) and on the intervention of the Superpowers in that area. In this regard, the perception of the two most important Western communist parties, the Italian Communist Party and the French Communist Party, allows an original viewing angle to reconstruct the history of African nationalist and Marxist countries and movements. The transnational dynamics that have crossed western and equatorial Africa can be analyzed with a global view resulting from the PCI and PCF, defining their political, social and cultural features. The affinities and theoretical differences between the communist parties and African anti-colonial movements, the divisions in the "socialist camp" and the relations between the PCI and the PCF is an "histoire croisée" referring to the sources produced and preserved by these two political parties. It's a joint supervision PhD by "Tor Vergata" University of Rome and Paris 1 "Panthéon-Sorbonne" University. ; La recherche fait partie d'une histoire globale de la décolonisation et de la guerre froide. Cette histoire est centrée sur l'édification et le développement des états postcoloniaux de l'Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Guinée, Mali, Sénégal, Cameroun et Congo) et sur l'intervention des puissances étrangères dans ce territoire. En ce contexte, la perception des deux partis communistes les plus importants de l'Occident, le Parti communiste français et le Parti communiste italien, témoigne d'un point de vue original à l'égard de l'histoire des pays et des mouvements africains nationalistes et marxistes. Les dynamiques transnationales qui concernaient l'Afrique occidentale et équatoriale sont ici analysées avec la visuelle « globale » montrée par les deux partis communistes européens, ce qui définit leurs caractéristiques politiques, sociales et culturelles. Les similarités et ...

The research is part of the global history of the Decolonization and Cold War, focusing on the formation and development of the postcolonial states of the former French Sub-Saharan Africa (Guinea, Mali, Senegal, Cameroon, Congo) and on the intervention of the Superpowers in that area. In this regard, the perception of the two most important Western communist parties, the Italian Communist Party and the French Communist Party, allows an original viewing angle to reconstruct the history of African nationalist and Marxist countries and movements. The transnational dynamics that have crossed western and equatorial Africa can be analyzed with a global view resulting from the PCI and PCF, defining their political, social and cultural features. The affinities and theoretical differences between the communist parties and African anti-colonial movements, the divisions in the "socialist camp" and the relations between the PCI and the PCF is an "histoire croisée" referring to the sources produced and preserved by these two political parties. It's a joint supervision PhD by "Tor Vergata" University of Rome and Paris 1 "Panthéon-Sorbonne" University. ; La recherche fait partie d'une histoire globale de la décolonisation et de la guerre froide. Cette histoire est centrée sur l'édification et le développement des états postcoloniaux de l'Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Guinée, Mali, Sénégal, Cameroun et Congo) et sur l'intervention des puissances étrangères dans ce territoire. En ce contexte, la perception des deux partis communistes les plus importants de l'Occident, le Parti communiste français et le Parti communiste italien, témoigne d'un point de vue original à l'égard de l'histoire des pays et des mouvements africains nationalistes et marxistes. Les dynamiques transnationales qui concernaient l'Afrique occidentale et équatoriale sont ici analysées avec la visuelle « globale » montrée par les deux partis communistes européens, ce qui définit leurs caractéristiques politiques, sociales et culturelles. Les similarités et les différences entre ces deux partis communistes et les mouvements anticoloniaux africains, ainsi que les fractures internes au « camp socialiste » et les relations entre PCI et PCF constituent une histoire croisée qui fait référence aux sources produites et conservées par ces deux organisations politiques. Il s'agit d'une thèse en cotutelle entre l'Université de Rome « Tor Vergata » et l'Université Paris 1 « Panthéon-Sorbonne ».

Pratiche religiose, cultura migratoria e immaginario migratorionell'Africa sub-sahariana: i contesti senegalese e guineanoLa combinazione di diversi fattori (storici, religiosi, politici, economici) fa sì che sempre più africani subsahariani considerino la migrazione un'alternativa alle molte difficoltà locali. In alcune comunità sub-sahariane, forgia una vera cultura della mobilità, predisponendole o supportandole nella formazione e nell'esecuzione del progetto dimigrazione. Tra questi fattori, l'articolo pone l'accento sulle pratiche religiose, nel loro ruolo di ispirazione, predisposizione e sostegno alla migrazione dei sub-sahariani, in particolare senegalesi e guineani. Si tratta di pratiche, credenze e altri rituali religiosi che interagiscono con il progetto e l'atto migratorio come un vero "ammortizzatore" che riduce l'intensità e l'impatto di molteplici "shock" legati alla migrazione. Il ricorso dei migranti e delle loro famiglie a pratiche religiose rafforza e modula il progetto migratorio al fine di anticipare e / o meglio accogliere le difficoltà derivante dall'incontro tra l'immaginario e la realtà migratoria.Religious practices, migratory culture and migratory imageryin sub-Saharan Africa: the Senegalese and Guinean contextsThe combination of different factors (historical, religious, political, economic) means that more and more Sub-Saharan Africans consider migration as an alternative to the many local difficulties. In some Sub-Saharan communities the combination forge a true culture of mobility, predisposing and supporting the formation and the execution of the migration project. Among these factors, the article focuses on religious practices in their role of inspiration, predisposition and support to the migration of Sub-Saharans, especially Senegalese and Guineans. These practices, beliefs and other religious rituals, interact with the project and with the migratory act as a real "shock absorber" that reduces the intensity and the impact of multiple "shocks" related to migration.The use of religious practices strengthens and modulates the migration project to anticipate and / or to better accommodate the shock due to the intersection between the imaginary and the migratory reality.

The question of development in sub-Saharan Africa has been historically discussed according to modernizing paradigms which have left unsolved the dichotomy between tradition and modernity constructed during the colonial period. In a continent still strongly rural, weak economic performances have reopened, both in the theories and in the practices of development, the historical tension between modernity and custom, and between modern and traditional authorities. Meanwhile, decentralisation policies have been strongly supported as a pathway to democratisation, good governance, and a more efficient management of the land and natural resources by local communities. The article aims to discuss the contemporary processes of transformation in Southern Africa concerning the rural governance, the effects produced on authorities and systems of power (local/national, traditional/modern), and the role of tradition in contemporary policies of rural development and decentralisation programmes. It intends to analyze the discussion concerning the policies of development and of decentralisation in the rural areas by signalling continuities and discontinuities with colonial patterns. Indeed, the control of the land (both in colonial and post-colonial states) has been characterized by a form of control based on traditional authorities (chiefs); therefore, within the framework of rural development and decentralisation programmes the role of traditional institutions and their relationship with rural communities and the state will be discussed. ; The question of development in sub-Saharan Africa has been historically discussed according to modernizing paradigms which have left unsolved the dichotomy between tradition and modernity constructed during the colonial period. In a continent still strongly rural, weak economic performances have reopened, both in the theories and in the practices of development, the historical tension between modernity and custom, and between modern and traditional authorities. Meanwhile, decentralisation policies have been strongly supported as a pathway to democratisation, good governance, and a more efficient management of the land and natural resources by local communities. The article aims to discuss the contemporary processes of transformation in Southern Africa concerning the rural governance, the effects produced on authorities and systems of power (local/national, traditional/modern), and the role of tradition in contemporary policies of rural development and decentralisation programmes. It intends to analyze the discussion concerning the policies of development and of decentralisation in the rural areas by signalling continuities and discontinuities with colonial patterns. Indeed, the control of the land (both in colonial and post-colonial states) has been characterized by a form of control based on traditional authorities (chiefs); therefore, within the framework of rural development and decentralisation programmes the role of traditional institutions and their relationship with rural communities and the state will be discussed.

International audience ; The literature on the right to the city, which has seen a major resurgence in recent years, focuses primarily on two subjects, which specifically interrogate the relationship of city-dwellers to the State: social movements/urban citizenship. In order that the claim of a right to the city might be codified, whether overtly or implicitly, numerous works (Purcell, Kyumulu, etc.) also emphasize the extent to which the right to the city manifests in widely diverse "questions", any of which may well contradict or be in competition with any other.In the framework of a comparative research program (DALVAA "Rethinking the right to the city from the Southern cities – perspectives on sub Saharan Africa/Latin America) we distance ourselves from these uses of the idea of right to the city and their emancipatory political ambitions. We put forth the right to the city as an exploratory notion that interrogates the processes of organization and normalization of postcolonial urban societies, from which we posit the hypothesis that they are partly marked by neoliberal rationalities currently under construction. The goal is to shift the analytical focus from an anti-establishment social group, politically constructed in conflict, to the subject ("the individual in socialization" to use Henri Lefebvre's phrase), understood through his social and spatial practices. Through this shifting of focus, we aim to reveal the modes of control and the exercise of power in the city. Analyzing on the micro level, we attempt to interrogate the processes of the construction of norms through the prism of the position of subjects in the practices of control of public space. In Cape Town and Lomé, forms of resistance and of production of counter-rationalities in ordinary, and not conflictual or post-crisis, space-time will be analyzed using qualitative field data.In Cape Town, we will analyze the control of a central historic square, which has been heritage-ized and "beautified" in the framework of a politics of neoliberal ...

La Peste dei Piccoli Ruminanti (PPR) è una patologia virale ed acuta che colpisce i piccoli ruminanti, diffusa in Africa Sub-Sahariana, in Medio Oriente ed in Asia Meridionale. Questo lavoro si propone di effettuare il primo studio epidemiologico sulla PPR nella Repubblica Araba Saharawi Democratica (RASD), che comprende i Campi Profughi Saharawi, in territorio algerino, ed i "Territori Liberati" del Sahara Occidentale, valutando la potenziale presenza, prevalenza e distribuzione del virus della PPR in questi territori. Lo studio si è basato su una metodica di campionamento "a cluster" secondo la tecnica "a due stadi". Sono stati individuati 23 siti di campionamento dai quali sono stati raccolti un totale di 976 campioni di siero prelevati da pecore, capre e cammelli. I campioni sono stati prelevati in Marzo ed Aprile 2008. I risultati dei test Competitive-Elisa hanno evidenziato una sieroprevalenza nel 28,26% degli animali testati, benché durante la raccolta dei campioni nessun animale abbia presentato sintomi clinici riferibili alla PPR. Tra Gennaio e Maggio 2010, in seguito ad episodi di aumentata mortalità nella popolazione ovi-caprina presente nei Campi Profughi, le autorità veterinarie locali sospettarono un outbreak di PPR. Tra Maggio ed Ottobre 2010 è stato sviluppato un outbreak investigation nei Campi Profughi Saharawi con lo scopo di confermare la circolazione del PPRV. I risultati di laboratorio hanno confermato la presenza del virus nel 33,33% dei campioni. Il sequenziamento del genoma virale ha rivelato che il virus apparteneva al Lignaggio 4 e le analisi filogenetiche hanno indicato una stretta relazione (99.3%) con il PPRV isolato durante l'epidemia di PPR in Marocco del 2008. ; Peste des Petitis Ruminants (PPR) is an acute viral disease affecting small ruminants and widespread in Sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East and South Asia. This study aims to perform the first epidemiological survey on PPR in the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), including Sahrawi Refugees Camps, western Algeria, and "Liberated Territories" of Western Sahara, assessing the potential presence, prevalence and distribution of the PPRV in these territories. The survey was based on a two-stage cluster sampling methodology. 23 clusters were identified, leading to a total of 976 serum samples collected from sheep, goats and camels (March/April 2008). The results of Competitive-Elisa tests evidenced a serological positive prevalence in 28,26% of the tested animal, even though during the collection no animal presented clinical signs related to the subjected disease. A major number of positive animals was revealed in goats and sheep, with higher prevalence in subjects over 36 moths of age. One positive case was reported also in camels. Following reports of increased mortality in the small ruminant population of the Sahrawi Refugees Camps, between January and May 2010, local veterinary authorities suspected an outbreak of PPR. Between May and October 2010 an outbreak investigation was implemented in the Sahrawi Refugee Camps, with the objective of confirming the circulation of the Peste des Petits Ruminants virus (PPRV). Laboratory results confirmed the presence of PPRV in 33.33% of the samples. Sequence analysis revealed that the virus belonged to Lineage IV and phylogenetic analysis indicated a close relationship (99.3%) with the PPRV isolated during the Moroccan outbreak in 2008.

[English]: The legitimacy of slavery, deeply rooted in classical and Christian culture, was called into question starting from the 18th century. It was a slow process, that had to relate to the peculiar forms the slavery institution got with the European colonisation of America in the Modern Age, that is the workforce imported from sub-Saharan Africa. This process was influenced by economic and political aspects and got a turning point on the intellectual history point of view when the problem of the universal acknowledgment of natural rights of men arose. This history did not concern the colonial powers solely, and this volume explores an unknown field about it, that is the Italian Enlightenment culture's contribution to the transnational antislavery thought. In their writings, the Illuministi – and Southern reformers most of all – bumped into the colonial slavery matter, focusing on economic science, history, ancient and contemporary political treaties and on the definition of reforms inspired by the principles of natural rights. The black slave got the anti-model of the human emancipation project of political Enlightenment and, at the end of the century, of the revolutionary «regeneration». Human trafficking and the violation of natural rights were, for Italian antislaverists, the «infamous commerce» / [Italiano]: La legittimazione della schiavitù, radicata nella cultura classica e cristiana, venne messa in discussione a partire dal XVIII secolo. Fu un processo lento, che si confrontò con le forme peculiari (di forza lavoro servile importata dall'Africa subsahariana) assunte dall'istituzione con la colonizzazione europea dell'America in età moderna. Un processo in cui furono determinanti fattori economici e politici, ma che sul piano della storia intellettuale conobbe una svolta quando si pose il problema dell'universale riconoscimento dei diritti naturali dell'uomo nella società civile. Di questa storia, che non riguardò soltanto le potenze coloniali, il volume indaga un capitolo inedito: il contributo della cultura dei Lumi italiana al pensiero antischiavista transnazionale. Negli scritti degli illuministi italiani, e particolarmente dei riformatori meridionali, l'interesse verso la scienza utile dell'economia, la riflessione sulla storia, sui trattati politici antichi e moderni, e la definizione di riforme ispirate ai principi del diritto naturale incrociavano la questione della schiavitù coloniale: lo schiavo nero delle piantagioni americane diveniva l'anti-modello del progetto di emancipazione dell'uomo proprio dell'illuminismo politico e, a fine secolo, della «rigenerazione» rivoluzionaria. La tratta degli uomini e dei loro intangibili diritti era, per gli antischiavisti italiani, il «commercio infame».

During the 19th Century, more than 2000 children of sub-Saharan origin were redeemed from slavery by missionaries and educated in Europe with the aim of sending them back to Africa as «indigenous missionaries». Yet, so far this phenomenon has found no place in historiography and collective memory. Forgotten, perhaps, or removed. The so-called «moretti» were not mere anonymous satellites, orbiting around the European missionaries. Victims of the choices of others, but also protagonists according their own choices, they were real «agents of history». This book is a first attempt to remove them from the peripheries of our narratives and to return them a place and a name. The archives show it clearly: African-Europeans are far from being just recent actors of European history.

Seizing the energy access gap is a central objective in the international agenda, as it is a required precondition to enable sustainable growth, and is it positively interlinked with all other developmental goals. While rural electrification is steadily progressing in many developing areas, a change of pace is in order to achieve universal access in the next ten years. Alongside grid extension and standalone systems, mini-grids are considered a key technical solution to provide cost-effective, high-quality power to hundreds of thousands of people. Their diffusion is, however, hampered by many barriers and constraining factors, such as the lack of adequate governmental policies and unclear regulatory framework, limited access to financing due to unproven business models, and the high capital and operating costs due to lack of effective, standardized practices in the development and design phase. Academic knowledge production should contribute effectively to this complex scenario, by addressing the multiple governmental and industrial stakeholders, with the ultimate goal of establishing an enabling environment in which investments for rural electrification projects are attractive for private developers without relying on grants. The methodological and technical contributions proposed in this work have therefore the specific objective of helping increase the feasibility of mini-grids for rural electrification. The first challenge faced when setting up this research, was the one of data scarcity, that affects the rural electrification sector at multiple levels and makes difficult to develop academic contributions. Therefore, a first, cross-sectoral objective of the research work has been to overcome these limitations by streamlining data acquisition pathways through field missions in developing countries in East Africa (Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda) and Central America (Honduras, Costa Rica). This allowed to establish connections not only with rural communities but also with local universities, governmental entities and companies. These multiple-sided interactions between different entities coming both from developed countries and the global south have been part of the research method and entailed much more than one-sided data transfer. Therefore, they have been studied and conceptualized under the Triple Helix framework. As a first application of this approach, a critical analysis of existing business models for decentralized renewable energy solutions in sub-Saharan Africa has been carried out in partnership with non-profit and private actors, making use of actual operating data obtained from 21 mini-grids. Then, load profile estimation and modeling are tackled, as they are pivotal elements in the mini-grid development process, and are suffering from a lack of general understanding, data and tools to perform them. Two complementary approaches are presented, one based on effective field survey methodologies for the energy need assessment of rural communities and the other based on a clusterization and characterization of load profiles, built upon a unique, open-access database created for this purpose. Then, the optimal design of mini-grids integrating advanced, predictive operating strategies is addressed, with a contribution aimed at increasing their viability by reducing their computational requirements. This line of research, despite being conceived for and applied to case studies from developing countries, is relevant for hybrid mini-grids as a technological solution per se. Therefore, to demonstrate the extension of mini-grid application to isolated areas of developing countries, the case study of an hybridization and demand side management proposal for the mediterranean island of Ustica (Italy) is presented.

International audience ; The literature on the right to the city, which has seen a major resurgence in recent years, focuses primarily on two subjects, which specifically interrogate the relationship of city-dwellers to the State: social movements/urban citizenship. In order that the claim of a right to the city might be codified, whether overtly or implicitly, numerous works (Purcell, Kyumulu, etc.) also emphasize the extent to which the right to the city manifests in widely diverse "questions", any of which may well contradict or be in competition with any other.In the framework of a comparative research program (DALVAA "Rethinking the right to the city from the Southern cities – perspectives on sub Saharan Africa/Latin America) we distance ourselves from these uses of the idea of right to the city and their emancipatory political ambitions. We put forth the right to the city as an exploratory notion that interrogates the processes of organization and normalization of postcolonial urban societies, from which we posit the hypothesis that they are partly marked by neoliberal rationalities currently under construction. The goal is to shift the analytical focus from an anti-establishment social group, politically constructed in conflict, to the subject ("the individual in socialization" to use Henri Lefebvre's phrase), understood through his social and spatial practices. Through this shifting of focus, we aim to reveal the modes of control and the exercise of power in the city. Analyzing on the micro level, we attempt to interrogate the processes of the construction of norms through the prism of the position of subjects in the practices of control of public space. In Cape Town and Lomé, forms of resistance and of production of counter-rationalities in ordinary, and not conflictual or post-crisis, space-time will be analyzed using qualitative field data.In Cape Town, we will analyze the control of a central historic square, which has been heritage-ized and "beautified" in the framework of a politics of neoliberal urban regeneration, the Greenmarket Square. This square is occupied by an "African" market, where artisanal items are sold, whose place in this urban project was renegotiated and redefined at the time of the FIFA World Cup (2010). Five years after this moment of crisis, we wonder about the functioning of spatial control through the new routines that were then established and the evolution of the individual and collective entrepreneurial subjectivities of the merchants in the square. In Lomé, our reflection will begin with the post-flight spaces, in particular in Djagblé (on the northeast edge of Grand Lomé), where citizens who fled due to the creation of the Grand highway bypass of Lomé between 2011 and 2014 were relocated. This large urban project, mostly financed by Chinese investors and with the strong support of the government, is a showcase for the modernization of the capital. The seizure of the necessary real estate for the creation of this large road (particularly to the east of the Tsévié road) led to the destruction of multiple places of residence and to the displacement of the commercial activities previously practiced there. The initial terms were negotiated by the CII (Interministerial Indemnity Committee) and varied widely from case to case. The responsible parties at the CII effectively compensated families differently while relying on certain residents to relate the politics of displacement in a way that might be acceptable to those affected. Meanwhile at the relocation sites, major conflicts over real estate arose between the original occupants and the residents affected by the urban project. How do these power dynamics create an alliance with or an opposition to the Ministry of Urbanization and the urban authorities tasked with taking action in the area on the outer edges of Grand Lomé? What can we learn from the practices of those affected, as well as from those citizens of the transformed site, about the acceptance of a new order and a new norm in the outer neighborhoods? In areas affected by forced removals, routine practices prevail while very little contestation to the urban project is observed, the differential treatment and the powerful coercion that accompanied the departure of those affected being rarely condemned.

International audience ; The literature on the right to the city, which has seen a major resurgence in recent years, focuses primarily on two subjects, which specifically interrogate the relationship of city-dwellers to the State: social movements/urban citizenship. In order that the claim of a right to the city might be codified, whether overtly or implicitly, numerous works (Purcell, Kyumulu, etc.) also emphasize the extent to which the right to the city manifests in widely diverse "questions", any of which may well contradict or be in competition with any other.In the framework of a comparative research program (DALVAA "Rethinking the right to the city from the Southern cities – perspectives on sub Saharan Africa/Latin America) we distance ourselves from these uses of the idea of right to the city and their emancipatory political ambitions. We put forth the right to the city as an exploratory notion that interrogates the processes of organization and normalization of postcolonial urban societies, from which we posit the hypothesis that they are partly marked by neoliberal rationalities currently under construction. The goal is to shift the analytical focus from an anti-establishment social group, politically constructed in conflict, to the subject ("the individual in socialization" to use Henri Lefebvre's phrase), understood through his social and spatial practices. Through this shifting of focus, we aim to reveal the modes of control and the exercise of power in the city. Analyzing on the micro level, we attempt to interrogate the processes of the construction of norms through the prism of the position of subjects in the practices of control of public space. In Cape Town and Lomé, forms of resistance and of production of counter-rationalities in ordinary, and not conflictual or post-crisis, space-time will be analyzed using qualitative field data.In Cape Town, we will analyze the control of a central historic square, which has been heritage-ized and "beautified" in the framework of a politics of neoliberal urban regeneration, the Greenmarket Square. This square is occupied by an "African" market, where artisanal items are sold, whose place in this urban project was renegotiated and redefined at the time of the FIFA World Cup (2010). Five years after this moment of crisis, we wonder about the functioning of spatial control through the new routines that were then established and the evolution of the individual and collective entrepreneurial subjectivities of the merchants in the square. In Lomé, our reflection will begin with the post-flight spaces, in particular in Djagblé (on the northeast edge of Grand Lomé), where citizens who fled due to the creation of the Grand highway bypass of Lomé between 2011 and 2014 were relocated. This large urban project, mostly financed by Chinese investors and with the strong support of the government, is a showcase for the modernization of the capital. The seizure of the necessary real estate for the creation of this large road (particularly to the east of the Tsévié road) led to the destruction of multiple places of residence and to the displacement of the commercial activities previously practiced there. The initial terms were negotiated by the CII (Interministerial Indemnity Committee) and varied widely from case to case. The responsible parties at the CII effectively compensated families differently while relying on certain residents to relate the politics of displacement in a way that might be acceptable to those affected. Meanwhile at the relocation sites, major conflicts over real estate arose between the original occupants and the residents affected by the urban project. How do these power dynamics create an alliance with or an opposition to the Ministry of Urbanization and the urban authorities tasked with taking action in the area on the outer edges of Grand Lomé? What can we learn from the practices of those affected, as well as from those citizens of the transformed site, about the acceptance of a new order and a new norm in the outer neighborhoods? In areas affected by forced removals, routine practices prevail while very little contestation to the urban project is observed, the differential treatment and the powerful coercion that accompanied the departure of those affected being rarely condemned.