The article deals with the issue of separatism in the sub-Saharan world of Africa in the 1960's, on the example of two countries – the Democratic Republic of the Congo (more – Congo) and Nigeria. Emphasis is placed on the emergence of separatist movements that move into the format of quasi-state and the struggle of central governments for territorial unity. In the framework of the proposed article, the research methodology is mainly based on the method of comparative analysis. Each of the two countries considered has its own specific features, and at the same time, it has been possible to distinguish common features because of which a general characterization of centrifugal trends in Sub-Saharan Africa over a given period can be drawn. In particular, this concerns the new independent states that appeared on the political map of the Afri can continent in the early 1960's. It was found that more often separatist movements arose in provinces that had strong economic potential and reserves of natural resources. This, in turn, provided for the possibility of separate existence for a long period, even in the face of armed confrontation with the central government. A key element was also the presence or absence of an external factor, political and / or military, that directly determined events or had a decisive influence on them. This factor is especially characteristic in the context of bipolar confrontation between two geopolitical centres, led by the US and the USSR, which sought to strengthen their influence at every single geographical point in the world. The emergence of each independent sub-Saharan country, each new manifestation of separatism and military conflict, not only had an internal dimension, but also concerned a more global context of confrontation in the Cold War.
The article deals with the issue of separatism in the sub-Saharan world of Africa in the 1960's, on the example of two countries – the Democratic Republic of the Congo (more – Congo) and Nigeria. Emphasis is placed on the emergence of separatist movements that move into the format of quasi-state and the struggle of central governments for territorial unity.In the framework of the proposed article, the research methodology is mainly based on the method of comparative analysis. Each of the two countries considered has its own specific features, and at the same time, it has been possible to distinguish common features because of which a general characterization of centrifugal trends in Sub-Saharan Africa over a given period can be drawn. In particular, this concerns the new independent states that appeared on the political map of the Afri can continent in the early 1960's.It was found that more often separatist movements arose in provinces that had strong economic potential and reserves of natural resources. This, in turn, provided for the possibility of separate existence for a long period, even in the face of armed confrontation with the central government. A key element was also the presence or absence of an external factor, political and / or military, that directly determined events or had a decisive influence on them. This factor is especially characteristic in the context of bipolar confrontation between two geopolitical centres, led by the US and the USSR, which sought to strengthen their influence at every single geographical point in the world. The emergence of each independent sub-Saharan country, each new manifestation of separatism and military conflict, not only had an internal dimension, but also concerned a more global context of confrontation in the Cold War. ; Статья посвящена вопросу распространения сепаратизма в субсахарском регионе Африки 1960-х гг. на примере двух стран – Демократической Республики Конго (далее – Конго) и Нигерии. Акцентировано внимание на причинах появления сепаратистских движений, их перерастании в формат квазигосударственных образований и борьбе центральных правительств за территориальную целостность. В рамках предлагаемой статьи методология исследования преимущественно основана на методе сравнительного анализа. Каждая из стран, принятых к рассмотрению, имеет свою специфику, одновременно удалось выделить общие черты, на основе которых можно провести общую характеристику центробежных тенденций в странах Субсахарской Африки в указанный период. В частности, это касается новых независимых государств, появившихся на политической карте африканского континента в начале 1960-х гг. Установлено, что чаще сепаратистские движения возникали в провинциях, которые имели мощный экономический потенциал и запасы природных ресурсов. Это, в свою очередь, обеспечивало возможность отдельного существования длительный срок, даже в условиях вооруженного противостояния с центральным правительством. Ключевым элементом становилось также наличие или отсутствие внешнего фактора, политического и/или военного, непосредственно определяющего события или осуществляющего решающее влияние на них. Особенно характерен данный фактор в контексте биполярного противостояния между двумя геополитическими центрами, возглавляемыми США и СССР, стремящихся укрепить свое влияние в каждой отдельно взятой географической точке мира. Появление каждой независимой субсахарской страны, каждое новое проявление сепаратизма и военный конфликт имели не только внутреннее измерение, но касались более глобального контекста противостояния в условиях холодной войны. ; Стаття присвячена питанню поширення сепаратизму в субсахарському регіоні Африки 1960-х рр. на прикладі двох країн – Демократичної Республіки Конго (далі – Конго) та Нігерії. Акцентовано увагу на причинах появи сепаратистських рухів, їх переростання у формат квазідержавних утворень та боротьбу центральних урядів за територіальну єдність.У рамках запропонованої статті методологія дослідження заснована на методі порівняльного аналізу. Кожна з двох країн, взятих до розгляду, має свою специфіку, водночас, вдалося виділити спільні риси, на основі яких можна провести загальну характеристику відцентрових тенденцій у країнах Субсахарської Африки в означений період. Зокрема, це стосується нових незалежних держав, що постали на політичній карті африканського континенту на початку 1960-х рр.Встановлено, що частіше сепаратистські рухи виникали у провінціях, які мали потужний економічний потенціал та запаси природних ресурсів. Це, в свою чергу, забезпечувало можливість окремого існування тривалий термін, навіть в умовах збройного протистояння з центральним урядом. Ключовим елементом ставала також наявність або відсутність зовнішнього чинника, політичного та/або військового, який безпосередньо визначав події або ж здійснював вирішальний вплив на них. Особливо характерний цей фактор у контексті біполярного протистояння між двома геополітичними центрами, очолюваними США та СРСР, що прагнули зміцнити свій вплив у кожній окремо взятій географічній точці світу. Поява кожної незалежної субсахарської країни, кожен новий прояв сепаратизму і воєнний конфлікт, мали не лише внутрішній вимір, але стосувалися більш глобального контексту протистояння в умовах холодної війни.
The article deals with the issue of separatism in the sub-Saharan world of Africa in the 1960's, on the example of two countries – the Democratic Republic of the Congo (more – Congo) and Nigeria. Emphasis is placed on the emergence of separatist movements that move into the format of quasi-state and the struggle of central governments for territorial unity.In the framework of the proposed article, the research methodology is mainly based on the method of comparative analysis. Each of the two countries considered has its own specific features, and at the same time, it has been possible to distinguish common features because of which a general characterization of centrifugal trends in Sub-Saharan Africa over a given period can be drawn. In particular, this concerns the new independent states that appeared on the political map of the Afri can continent in the early 1960's.It was found that more often separatist movements arose in provinces that had strong economic potential and reserves of natural resources. This, in turn, provided for the possibility of separate existence for a long period, even in the face of armed confrontation with the central government. A key element was also the presence or absence of an external factor, political and / or military, that directly determined events or had a decisive influence on them. This factor is especially characteristic in the context of bipolar confrontation between two geopolitical centres, led by the US and the USSR, which sought to strengthen their influence at every single geographical point in the world. The emergence of each independent sub-Saharan country, each new manifestation of separatism and military conflict, not only had an internal dimension, but also concerned a more global context of confrontation in the Cold War. ; Статья посвящена вопросу распространения сепаратизма в субсахарском регионе Африки 1960-х гг. на примере двух стран – Демократической Республики Конго (далее – Конго) и Нигерии. Акцентировано внимание на причинах появления сепаратистских движений, их перерастании в формат квазигосударственных образований и борьбе центральных правительств за территориальную целостность. В рамках предлагаемой статьи методология исследования преимущественно основана на методе сравнительного анализа. Каждая из стран, принятых к рассмотрению, имеет свою специфику, одновременно удалось выделить общие черты, на основе которых можно провести общую характеристику центробежных тенденций в странах Субсахарской Африки в указанный период. В частности, это касается новых независимых государств, появившихся на политической карте африканского континента в начале 1960-х гг. Установлено, что чаще сепаратистские движения возникали в провинциях, которые имели мощный экономический потенциал и запасы природных ресурсов. Это, в свою очередь, обеспечивало возможность отдельного существования длительный срок, даже в условиях вооруженного противостояния с центральным правительством. Ключевым элементом становилось также наличие или отсутствие внешнего фактора, политического и/или военного, непосредственно определяющего события или осуществляющего решающее влияние на них. Особенно характерен данный фактор в контексте биполярного противостояния между двумя геополитическими центрами, возглавляемыми США и СССР, стремящихся укрепить свое влияние в каждой отдельно взятой географической точке мира. Появление каждой независимой субсахарской страны, каждое новое проявление сепаратизма и военный конфликт имели не только внутреннее измерение, но касались более глобального контекста противостояния в условиях холодной войны. ; Стаття присвячена питанню поширення сепаратизму в субсахарському регіоні Африки 1960-х рр. на прикладі двох країн – Демократичної Республіки Конго (далі – Конго) та Нігерії. Акцентовано увагу на причинах появи сепаратистських рухів, їх переростання у формат квазідержавних утворень та боротьбу центральних урядів за територіальну єдність.У рамках запропонованої статті методологія дослідження заснована на методі порівняльного аналізу. Кожна з двох країн, взятих до розгляду, має свою специфіку, водночас, вдалося виділити спільні риси, на основі яких можна провести загальну характеристику відцентрових тенденцій у країнах Субсахарської Африки в означений період. Зокрема, це стосується нових незалежних держав, що постали на політичній карті африканського континенту на початку 1960-х рр.Встановлено, що частіше сепаратистські рухи виникали у провінціях, які мали потужний економічний потенціал та запаси природних ресурсів. Це, в свою чергу, забезпечувало можливість окремого існування тривалий термін, навіть в умовах збройного протистояння з центральним урядом. Ключовим елементом ставала також наявність або відсутність зовнішнього чинника, політичного та/або військового, який безпосередньо визначав події або ж здійснював вирішальний вплив на них. Особливо характерний цей фактор у контексті біполярного протистояння між двома геополітичними центрами, очолюваними США та СРСР, що прагнули зміцнити свій вплив у кожній окремо взятій географічній точці світу. Поява кожної незалежної субсахарської країни, кожен новий прояв сепаратизму і воєнний конфлікт, мали не лише внутрішній вимір, але стосувалися більш глобального контексту протистояння в умовах холодної війни.
Розглянуто африканську політику Великобританії за часів уряду Д. Кемерона. Визначено партнерів Великобританії в Африці, окреслено головні напрями співпраці з країнами Північної та Субсахарської Африки. ; Рассмотрено африканскую политику Великобритании в период правительства Д. Кэмерона.Определены партнеры Великобритании в Африке, обозначены главные направления сотрудничества со странами Северной и Субсахарской Африки. ; The authors set the goals of the paper to clarify the place of North and Sub-Saharan Africa in the foreign policy of Great Britain during the Cameron's cabinet, to highlight its key aspects and to identify key partners of United Kingdom in Africa.It is shown that Great Britain does not forget about Africa's problems and makes efforts in solving the problems of poverty, piracy and terrorism. The United Kingdom pays great attention to the various aid and development programs on the continent, especially acting within the G8, the European Union, the Commonwealth of the Nations and other organizations and forums.Special attention is paid to the fact that Africa is a vast field of opportunities for the UK in its striving to return to the policy of «global engagement» in world affairs. Through eager activity on the continent, Britain confirms its status as a world power with a wide range of interests far beyond its borders.The number of UK's partners among African countries is not limited to the member countries of the Commonwealth of Nations, but the closest cooperation between countries is presented within this formation. The main partners of Great Britain are South Africa, Nigeria and Egypt. The state has the most strained relations with Zimbabwe, DRC and Eritrea. In 2011 Cameron's cabinet created Arab Partnership and Regional Programme in the Middle East and North Africa 2012-2015. UK support will help extend business services, provide with microloans, create up to 39,000 new jobs, ensure the international financial institutions and the EU provide an effective package of support for countries in transition.It is concluded that Sub-Saharan Africa occupies a significant place in modern British foreign policy.The United Kingdom has repeatedly placed emphasis on the considerable potential of the continent and the pragmatic interests of current government.Taking into the consideration the rapid development among African countries and priorities of the British government, it is expected a positive trend in relations between the UK and Africa.
As in other policy areas, the US Energy Policy Toward Central Africa after 2001 promises a new beginning for energy relations between the two regions. A new beginning designed to increase the United States' access to Central African energy sources, but also supposedly to ensure that in qualitative terms US approaches to energy security become more conducive to development.This article examines the three ostensibly core dimensions of the US evolving policy in Central Africa. First, the incorporation of the region into the US external energy security policy. Second, the claimed coherence between development and energy security aims in Central Africa. And third, the governance dimensions of how energy sectors are managed in Central Africa. It highlights the incipient potential for an approach to energy that is sensitive to issues of development and good governance. In this sense, Africa compares favorably to US energy policies in other regions. But the overall record is patchy. The article examines how the US energy security has influenced the US foreign policy toward Sub-Saharan Africa. The article examines the link between energy security, development and governance policies.Key words: Central Africa; the United States; energy policy.
The African journalistic thought as a self-sufficient phenomenon has been formed in the 1930s in Paris. Students of African descent, in particular Aimé Césaire and Leopold Senghor, have raised the issue of African awakening and self-affirmation in the world. The journalistic texts published in the 1930s in L'Etudiant Noir, Revue du Monde Noir, Légitime Défense became the basis for a larger-scale anti-colonial discourse in the first post-war decades. The struggle for the independence of the African peoples and the success of this struggle (about fifty independent African states that arose in the 1950s-80s) gave birth to political journalism with a high degree of independence pathos, literature with a significant publicistic component (which includes the cult of a hero, a fighter for freedom), humanitarian science that rehabilitates the African culture in the eyes of the world. The period of general African upsurge and optimism has passed, as soon as the leading publicists of the continent saw that the problems of the colonial era did not find a solution, and some, on the contrary, became aggravated: colonialism did not go away, just became latent, the passionate leaders of the independence struggle have been replaced by the new African elites, usually not far-sighted, corrupt, deprived of sense of responsibility towards society and respect for the law. Among the possible solutions to the eternal problems of their continent, African publicists identify the mutually beneficial cooperation with China and the self-reliance (which includes the development of civil society, public institutions capable of controlling and influencing the governments). The popularity of the first position is evidence of the PRC's success in its ability to use 'soft power', to be an attractive alternative to the West, in particular in such rich of human and natural resources continent as Africa. The presence of the second position in the African media is evidence of the maturity of African societies, their ability to to take responsibility for their failures before acusing colonizers of past or present.Key words: Sub-Saharan Africa, African Journalism, African Literature, négritude, independence struggle. ; У статті відтворено основні етапи становлення африканської публіцистичної думки – від перших ідеологів негритюду до ключових ідейно-тематичних трендів сучасності. Серед можливих варіантів вирішення одвічних проблем свого континенту африканські публіцисти виділяють взаємовигідну співпрацю з Китаєм та опору на власні сили (яка включає розвиток громадянського суспільства, громадських інститутів, здатних контролювати владу та впливати на неї). Популярність першої позиції – свідчення успіхів КНР у вмінні застосовувати soft power, бути привабливою альтернативою Заходу, зокрема – на такому багатому на людські та природні ресурси континенті, як Африка. Наявність другої позиції в африканських медіа – свідчення дорослішання африканських суспільств, уміння не шукати винних серед минулих чи сучасних колонізаторів, а брати перш за все на себе відповідальність за невдачі і провали.Ключові слова: субсахаріальна Африка, африканська публіцистика, африканська література, негритюд, боротьба за незалежність.
Problem setting. The first decades of the XXI century demonstrate the unrestrained, turbulent, even explosive development of the world political process, which raised waves of "color" revolutions, began to distort the national sovereignty of some countries, led to a violation of the international principle of inviolability of postwar borders through military conflicts and "hybrid" wars. It is no longer possible to deny that under modern conditions there is not only a break in the bipolar and unipolar world order, but also a transition to a multipolar world with several centers of influence.Recent research and publications analysis. Empirical approach plays important role in the study of the international systems. It correlates with geopolitical specificity and mainly investigates contemporary interaction of people and states, geopolitical strategies and government tactics within certain geographical regions. Empirical research is characterized by: the desire to specifically explain certain international situation (political, economic, humanitarian), that developed in certain region of the planet, specificity of the systemic connections between global actors; to highlight the level of influence on behavior of the international subjects and decisions of national elites of following factors: socio-humanitarian and economic realities, national potential of the states, cross-regional competition, directions of actions and juridical boundaries regarding interventions of international organizations etc. Serious destructive influence on the contemporary system of international relations is exerted by new wars of the 21st century: wars with terror, cyberwar, "hybrid" wars and so on.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to seek through systemic, phenomenological and factor-geopolitical analysis to identify the nature of the modern international system and the nature of real and hybrid "drivers" that stimulate its development and, at the same time, turbulence and global shifts. Hence, the research tasks are as follows: according to the ontological parameters to carry out the phenomenology of the "international system"; to systematize the typologies of various international systems; to identify key trends (challenges) of shifts and destructions of the current world order; to substantiate the most significant factors of global turbulence: macro-oscillations of the world system, "geopolitical shifts", international terrorism, "hybrid" wars, humanitarian collapses (pandemic coronavirus), etc.Paper main body. Contemporary conceptualization of the international systems, in our opinion, demands more accurate phenomenological interpretation, since this is a phenomenon of a special type. First of all, international system is a mega-phenomenon of the social type, which organizes the existence of macro communities of planet in a special, relational way. Secondly, international systems are supercomplex in their content and structure, therefore they have to adapt to each other and to elements of the whole environment (this is characteristic of the whole planetary system and of its regional and sub-regional subsystems). Thirdly, according to Phillippe Braillard, informal and poorly organized nature of the international systems is obvious, because it is not always possible to delineate clearly and definitely between the complex that is being studied and its external environment. Fourth of all, international system has capacity of open formation, which explains the low level of integration, even some divergence of components inside of the wholeness.The international system of modernity began to experience radically modern changes under the influence of the powerful "geopolitical landslides" (factors of influence), which caused its turbulence and further transformation: 1) the completion of the collapse of colonial empires and the emergence of many post-colonial countries as independent international actors on the political map of the world, implementing their national-political projects; 2) the global collapse of the model of the "bipolar world" – of closed political systems, which embodied two superpowers of Soviet Union and the United States; the end of the "Cold War"; loss of meaning of the paradigm of the "Third World" for the underdeveloped countries; 3) entrance of new sovereign states into the world arena (after the collapse of the USSR, Yugoslavia, etc.), which are modernizing and introducing their new own geostrategies in international relations; 4) post-communist transformation of the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, Asia and Africa fundamentally changed the ideological balance and geopolitical design of the planet. As a result, the strategic shift of the Baltic-Mediterranean arc into a new geopolitical trajectory took place – into the Baltic-Black Sea arc, along the borders of Russia with the Baltic States, Ukraine, and Georgia; 5) the global economic jump of Southeast Asia as a sub-regional system, driven by the success of the quasi-superpowers of the region: Japan (economic strength and investments), China (demographic and industrial capacities), South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong (technology); India (leader of social democracy). According to Phillippe Braillard and Mohammad-Reza Djalili, this results from the existence of regional subsystems - a set of specific interactions based on general geographic affiliation; 6) the geopolitical "weight" of the South Asian sub-region grows because of the collapse of the North Korea's "nuclear blackmail" militaristic strategy, thanks to the successes of diplomacy of the US President Donald Trump; 7) paradoxically, but currently the political-economic competition between strategic partners - the USA and the European Union - is intensifying. At the same time, military-political tensions between the Russian Federation and the United States and NATO, as global rivals in various geopolitical aspects – war in Syria, sanctions against the Russian Federation because of the annexation of Crimea and aggression in eastern Ukraine – are growing; global migration; Iranian, Iraqi and Venezuelan issues, etc.Turbulent character and macro fluctuations of transitional international system of "misbalance and mutual equilibriums", additionally is determined by the competitive coexistence of states of stable and transitional democracy, autocratic states (that can be differentiated into traditional-conservative, military-totalitarian, authoritarian-modernized) and specific quasi-states. This combination of authoritarianism with liberal democracy is problematic, and leaves impact on the global politics – temporary restorations of the post-communist governments, lack of competent and responsible bureaucracy, corruption-related scandals in the international structures, ignoring of the demands of the global states in questions relating to survival of humankind. The most important factors in the destabilization of the world system are wars, international terrorism and global problems, in particular, the coronavirus pandemic.Conclusions. Contemporary international system is currently in a state of transitional from the unipolar world to the multipolar one, from the stability that prevailed after the collapse of the world socialist system to the qualitatively new international system with several fulcrums. But this process is very complex and prolonged; it will be constantly influenced by the new "geopolitical shifts", as factors contributing to global turbulence and macro fluctuations of the transitional international system: the final collapse of the colonial system; the destruction of the model of the "bipolar world" and the emergence of sovereign states that implement their own geostrategies on a world arena; problems of coexistence of countries in stable and transitional democracy, autocracies and specific quasi-states; strategic shift of the Baltic-Black Sea arc to the borders of Russia with the Baltics, Ukraine, Georgia; the global economic jump of Southeast Asia as a sub-regional system; increase in economic competition of strategic partners – the USA and the European Union; an increase in military-political tension between the Russian Federation and the US with NATO, and so on. ; В исследовательских кейсах статьи представлен научный дискурс по вопросам сущности, методологии анализа, типологий международных систем; концептуализированы новые понятия и «гибридные явления»; гипотезы и выводы авторов на почве синтеза системной и геополитической парадигм; проанализированы феномены международного терроризма, «гибридной» войны, пандемии коронавируса как важных факторов турбулентности современной международной системы. ; У дослідницьких кейсах статті представлено науковий дискурс щодо питань сутності, методології аналізу, типологій міжнародних систем; концептуалізовані нові поняття та «гібридні явища»; гіпотези і висновки авторів на ґрунті синтезу системної та геополітичної парадигм; проаналізовано феномени міжнародного тероризму, «гібридної» війни, пандемії коронавірусу як важливих чинників турбулентності сучасної міжнародної системи.
Problem setting. The first decades of the XXI century demonstrate the unrestrained, turbulent, even explosive development of the world political process, which raised waves of "color" revolutions, began to distort the national sovereignty of some countries, led to a violation of the international principle of inviolability of postwar borders through military conflicts and "hybrid" wars. It is no longer possible to deny that under modern conditions there is not only a break in the bipolar and unipolar world order, but also a transition to a multipolar world with several centers of influence.Recent research and publications analysis. Empirical approach plays important role in the study of the international systems. It correlates with geopolitical specificity and mainly investigates contemporary interaction of people and states, geopolitical strategies and government tactics within certain geographical regions. Empirical research is characterized by: the desire to specifically explain certain international situation (political, economic, humanitarian), that developed in certain region of the planet, specificity of the systemic connections between global actors; to highlight the level of influence on behavior of the international subjects and decisions of national elites of following factors: socio-humanitarian and economic realities, national potential of the states, cross-regional competition, directions of actions and juridical boundaries regarding interventions of international organizations etc. Serious destructive influence on the contemporary system of international relations is exerted by new wars of the 21st century: wars with terror, cyberwar, "hybrid" wars and so on.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to seek through systemic, phenomenological and factor-geopolitical analysis to identify the nature of the modern international system and the nature of real and hybrid "drivers" that stimulate its development and, at the same time, turbulence and global shifts. Hence, the research tasks are as follows: according to the ontological parameters to carry out the phenomenology of the "international system"; to systematize the typologies of various international systems; to identify key trends (challenges) of shifts and destructions of the current world order; to substantiate the most significant factors of global turbulence: macro-oscillations of the world system, "geopolitical shifts", international terrorism, "hybrid" wars, humanitarian collapses (pandemic coronavirus), etc.Paper main body. Contemporary conceptualization of the international systems, in our opinion, demands more accurate phenomenological interpretation, since this is a phenomenon of a special type. First of all, international system is a mega-phenomenon of the social type, which organizes the existence of macro communities of planet in a special, relational way. Secondly, international systems are supercomplex in their content and structure, therefore they have to adapt to each other and to elements of the whole environment (this is characteristic of the whole planetary system and of its regional and sub-regional subsystems). Thirdly, according to Phillippe Braillard, informal and poorly organized nature of the international systems is obvious, because it is not always possible to delineate clearly and definitely between the complex that is being studied and its external environment. Fourth of all, international system has capacity of open formation, which explains the low level of integration, even some divergence of components inside of the wholeness.The international system of modernity began to experience radically modern changes under the influence of the powerful "geopolitical landslides" (factors of influence), which caused its turbulence and further transformation: 1) the completion of the collapse of colonial empires and the emergence of many post-colonial countries as independent international actors on the political map of the world, implementing their national-political projects; 2) the global collapse of the model of the "bipolar world" – of closed political systems, which embodied two superpowers of Soviet Union and the United States; the end of the "Cold War"; loss of meaning of the paradigm of the "Third World" for the underdeveloped countries; 3) entrance of new sovereign states into the world arena (after the collapse of the USSR, Yugoslavia, etc.), which are modernizing and introducing their new own geostrategies in international relations; 4) post-communist transformation of the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, Asia and Africa fundamentally changed the ideological balance and geopolitical design of the planet. As a result, the strategic shift of the Baltic-Mediterranean arc into a new geopolitical trajectory took place – into the Baltic-Black Sea arc, along the borders of Russia with the Baltic States, Ukraine, and Georgia; 5) the global economic jump of Southeast Asia as a sub-regional system, driven by the success of the quasi-superpowers of the region: Japan (economic strength and investments), China (demographic and industrial capacities), South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong (technology); India (leader of social democracy). According to Phillippe Braillard and Mohammad-Reza Djalili, this results from the existence of regional subsystems - a set of specific interactions based on general geographic affiliation; 6) the geopolitical "weight" of the South Asian sub-region grows because of the collapse of the North Korea's "nuclear blackmail" militaristic strategy, thanks to the successes of diplomacy of the US President Donald Trump; 7) paradoxically, but currently the political-economic competition between strategic partners - the USA and the European Union - is intensifying. At the same time, military-political tensions between the Russian Federation and the United States and NATO, as global rivals in various geopolitical aspects – war in Syria, sanctions against the Russian Federation because of the annexation of Crimea and aggression in eastern Ukraine – are growing; global migration; Iranian, Iraqi and Venezuelan issues, etc.Turbulent character and macro fluctuations of transitional international system of "misbalance and mutual equilibriums", additionally is determined by the competitive coexistence of states of stable and transitional democracy, autocratic states (that can be differentiated into traditional-conservative, military-totalitarian, authoritarian-modernized) and specific quasi-states. This combination of authoritarianism with liberal democracy is problematic, and leaves impact on the global politics – temporary restorations of the post-communist governments, lack of competent and responsible bureaucracy, corruption-related scandals in the international structures, ignoring of the demands of the global states in questions relating to survival of humankind. The most important factors in the destabilization of the world system are wars, international terrorism and global problems, in particular, the coronavirus pandemic.Conclusions. Contemporary international system is currently in a state of transitional from the unipolar world to the multipolar one, from the stability that prevailed after the collapse of the world socialist system to the qualitatively new international system with several fulcrums. But this process is very complex and prolonged; it will be constantly influenced by the new "geopolitical shifts", as factors contributing to global turbulence and macro fluctuations of the transitional international system: the final collapse of the colonial system; the destruction of the model of the "bipolar world" and the emergence of sovereign states that implement their own geostrategies on a world arena; problems of coexistence of countries in stable and transitional democracy, autocracies and specific quasi-states; strategic shift of the Baltic-Black Sea arc to the borders of Russia with the Baltics, Ukraine, Georgia; the global economic jump of Southeast Asia as a sub-regional system; increase in economic competition of strategic partners – the USA and the European Union; an increase in military-political tension between the Russian Federation and the US with NATO, and so on. ; В исследовательских кейсах статьи представлен научный дискурс по вопросам сущности, методологии анализа, типологий международных систем; концептуализированы новые понятия и «гибридные явления»; гипотезы и выводы авторов на почве синтеза системной и геополитической парадигм; проанализированы феномены международного терроризма, «гибридной» войны, пандемии коронавируса как важных факторов турбулентности современной международной системы. ; У дослідницьких кейсах статті представлено науковий дискурс щодо питань сутності, методології аналізу, типологій міжнародних систем; концептуалізовані нові поняття та «гібридні явища»; гіпотези і висновки авторів на ґрунті синтезу системної та геополітичної парадигм; проаналізовано феномени міжнародного тероризму, «гібридної» війни, пандемії коронавірусу як важливих чинників турбулентності сучасної міжнародної системи.
Визначено сутність категорії експортний потенціал та запропоновано визначення поняття «експортний потенціал харчової промисловості». Досліджено товарну і географічну структуру експорту продукції агропродовольчого комплексу і харчової промисловості України. Визначено рівень концентрації експорту харчової продукції для торгівлі з країнами Європейського Союзу. Проаналізовано динаміку внутрішньогалузевої торгівлі для торгівлі з країнами Європейського Союзу та за окремими товарними групами. Досліджено сучасний стан експортного потенціалу харчової промисловості та виявлено його загальні тенденції та внутрішні передумови. Визначено основні чинники, що стримують розвиток торгівлі аграрною та продукцією харчової промисловості на європейському ринку. Проаналізовано основні напрями державного впливу на підвищення рівня експортного потенціалу харчової промисловості України в умовах євроінтеграції, серед яких вдосконалення нормативно-правової бази з регулювання різних аспектів експортних операцій, активна діяльність держави із просування товарів вітчизняного аграрного експорту на зовнішні ринки, підвищення інституційної спроможності держави для підтримки українських експортерів, інформаційний супровід експортерів, методологічна підтримка експортної діяльності, організаційна та фінансова підтримка пріоритетних підгалузей харчової промисловості. Обґрунтовано вплив Експортного бренду України для просування українського експорту. ; The essence of the export potential category is investigated and the definition of "export potential of the food industry" is proposed. The structure of the export potential in the country is determined. The commodity structure of food industry export and the agro-food sector of Ukraine to the countries of the European Union was investigated. The geographic structure of export of the agro-food products complex and food industry of Ukraine is analyzed and the main four regions of the European Union, such as Asia, Africa and the CIS are defined. The level of food export concentration for trade with the countries of the European Union is defined using the Hirschman index, which reflects the degree of country readiness to resist the turmoil on foreign markets. The dynamics of intra-industry trade for trade with the European Union countries and by separate commodity groups is analyzed using the Grubel-Lloyd's index in order to substantiate the expediency of integration between trading partners. The present state of export potential of the food industry is investigated and its general tendencies and internal conditions are revealed. The main factors hindering the development of trade in agrarian and food products in the European market are determined. The main directions of the state influence on the increase of the export potential of the Ukrainian food industry in the conditions of European integration are analyzed, among which the improvement of the regulatory framework for the regulation of various aspects of export operations, the increasing activity of the state in promoting the goods of domestic agricultural exports to foreign markets, improving the institutional capacity of the state to support Ukrainian exporters, information support for exporters, methodological support for export activities, organizational and the financial support of the priority sub-sectors of the food industry based on the needs of the domestic market, as well as the trends in the growth of demand in the world food market. The influence of the Export brand of Ukraine to promote Ukrainian exports is substantiated.
It studies the preconditions of creation, functioning of farms in Ukraine and foreign countries. In the course of the study revealed that over the years 1990-2015, the number of farms increased from 332 to 54 302 is 915, 40 thousand hectares of land. For a specified period on one farm had between 12.0 to 78.8 ha of agricultural land (the most notable growth occurred in the period from 1990-1995, he was almost 100 times). Despite this, farming did not become efficient producers of agricultural products. In contrast, in the world more than 500 million farms (87,7%) of the total number belong to families that produce 56% of such production. In the US, family farms handle 78% of the agricultural land of the country, producing 84% of all agricultural products worth 230 billion dollars. In foreign countries is significantly different size of farms. In North America for a farmer falls from 190,0 to 600,0 ha, in most of the countries of Asia and Africa – 2,0 - 100,0 ha of land in Australia and New Zealand from 2 to 20 thousand hectares, and the like. In the EU land farms range from 2,0 – 500,0 ha. These countries are moving towards support of small, home gardens and farms. The results of the research showed that farmers that are the main producers of agricultural products in the developed world are high-performance enterprises despite the size of the economy, because in these countries there is a deliberate policy to support agricultural producers to improve production efficiency, ensuring sustainable land management. The competitiveness of these farms is justified by the presence of the developed forecasting and planning their development strategies. Besides, in world practice there are three main types of enterprise development strategies, each of which is fully justified by the specificity of production: growth strategy (development), a strategy of constancy and survival strategy.From the experience of foreign countries, to achieve efficient, ecological and safe agricultural land use in the article the concept of development of family farming, key aspects of which are: 1) rehabilitation Institute of farming; 2) to regulate the size of the land to create farms from 2.0 500.0 ha, taking into account prospects of development of these farms and their specialization; 3) development of land management projects concerning ecological-economic substantiation of crop rotation and streamline land – the basis of compliance with environmentally sound land management; 4) creation of an agrarian Bank, the special purpose of which would be the service of production and not the circulation of land sub-divisions at the regional level with the aim of establishing cooperation with producers of agricultural products; 5) extension of long-term loans commodity, interest rate subsidies, to establish tax incentives which would foster the development of farms and agricultural businesses in General; 6) development of consumer cooperation, which is an efficient mechanism of delivering products to consumers; 7) ensuring the stability of the purchase prices for agricultural products; 8) improving the mechanism of state regulation of agricultural imports in favor of domestic producers; 9) the implementation of farms of family type with a clear definition of its participants and addressing the possibility of involvement of hired labor for these farms; 10) the organization of training of farmers in the developed world, with the aim of acquiring skills in management and economic activities.Keywords: farm, family farm, college, concept development, foreign experience. ; Досліджено передумови створення, функціонування фермерських господарств в Україні та зарубіжних країнах. В ході проведених досліджень виявлено, що упродовж 1990-2015 рр. кількість фермерських господарств збільшилась із 332 до 54 302, що займають 915, 40 тис. га земель. За вказаний період на одне господарство припадало від 12,0 до 78,8 га сільськогосподарських угідь (найбільш помітним зростання розміру відбулось у період із 1990-1995 рр. – майже у 100 разів). Незважаючи на це фермерські господарства так і не стали ефективними виробниками сільськогосподарської продукції. На противагу, у світі понад 500 млн ферм (87,7%) від їх загальної кількості належать сім'ям, які виробляють 56% такої продукції. Крім того, у цих країнах ведеться цілеспрямована політика на підтримку сільськогосподарських товаровиробників за підвищення ефективності виробництва забезпечуючи раціональне землекористування. Конкурентоспроможність цих господарств обґрунтована наявністю розробленої прогнозно-планувальної стратегії їх розвитку. З досвіду зарубіжних країн, для досягнення ефективного, еколого-безпечного сільськогосподарського землекористування у статті запропоновано концепцію розвитку сімейного фермерського господарства.Ключові слова: фермерське господарство, сімейне фермерське господарство, інститут, концепція розвитку, закордонний досвід.
