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In this article I examine the context for the British bank Barclays' decision to disinvest from South Africa in 1986, with special attention to the impact of the Anti-Apartheid Movement's campaign against the bank. The 18-year long campaign against Barclays – the largest bank in South Africa at the time and the fourth largest foreign-owned corporation – points to significant developments within the fields of corporate social responsibility and the potential influence of social movements on multinational corporations. Applying the theoretical approach of subpolitics as developed by Ulrich Beck in combination with the later subdivision by Boris Holzer and Mads P. Sørensen into a passive and an active form, it is possible to analyse the decisions of both anti-apartheid activists and Barclays on similar terms. The conclusions drawn in this article emphasise the idea that economic decisions taken by multinational corporations may have unintended political consequences and, furthermore, that the awareness of this phenomenon has contributed to the development of corporate social responsibility. Finally, I suggest that the campaign against Barclays generated public attentiveness towards the social responsibility of businesses. ; In this article I examine the context for the British bank Barclays' decision to disinvest from South Africa in 1986, with special attention to the impact of the Anti-Apartheid Movement's campaign against the bank. The 18-year long campaign against Barclays – the largest bank in South Africa at the time and the fourth largest foreign-owned corporation – points to significant developments within the fields of corporate social responsibility and the potential influence of social movements on multinational corporations. Applying the theoretical approach of subpolitics as developed by Ulrich Beck in combination with the later subdivision by Boris Holzer and Mads P. Sørensen into a passive and an active form, it is possible to analyse the decisions of both anti-apartheid activists and Barclays on similar terms. The conclusions drawn in this article emphasise the idea that economic decisions taken by multinational corporations may have unintended political consequences and, furthermore, that the awareness of this phenomenon has contributed to the development of corporate social responsibility. Finally, I suggest that the campaign against Barclays generated public attentiveness towards the social responsibility of businesses.

"In this article I examine the context for the British bank Barclays' decision to disinvest from South Africa in 1986, with special attention to the impact of the Anti-Apartheid Movement's campaign against the bank. The 18-year long campaign against Barclays - the largest bank in South Africa at the time and the fourth largest foreign-owned corporation - points to significant developments within the fields of corporate social responsibility and the potential influence of social movements on multinational corporations. Applying the theoretical approach of subpolitics as developed by Ulrich Beck in combination with the later subdivision by Boris Holzer and Mads P. Sorensen into a passive and an active form, it is possible to analyse the decisions of both anti-apartheid activists and Barclays on similar terms. The conclusions drawn in this article emphasise the idea that economic decisions taken by multinational corporations may have unintended political consequences and, furthermore, that the awareness of this phenomenon has contributed to the development of corporate social responsibility. Finally, I suggest that the campaign against Barclays generated public attentiveness towards the social responsibility of businesses." (author's abstract)

Making use of the recent STS focus on the idea of subpolitics, the study seeks to understand the limited yet important implications of the rise of the political twitterati1for liberal democracy in Singapore. The phenomenon marks a significant development not in terms of facilitating mass upheavals or radical reforms as elsewhere in the world, but in terms of contributing towards the construction of counter narratives to the historically articulated and previously uncontested discourses of progress, efficiency, productivity and success that in part have legitimated the political establishment in Singapore. By critiquing the regime's myriad narratives of accomplishments and constructing subversive counter narratives through 'series tweets' that were infused with wit, sarcasm, parody and satire, the political twitterati in Singapore has expanded the vistas of democratic participation while remaining loyal to the country's non-Western liberal democratic framework.

AbstractThis article examines how the notion of multiculturalism is defined at the level of Finnish youth work. Local youth work is examined as a subpolitical arena in a rapidly changing and culturally diversifying society where answers by public institutions are not available. The essential objective of this article is to unravel the rationales of multicultural subpolitics and examine which policies these rationales enable. The data of the study consists of ethnographic observations of and interviews with youth workers in eastern Finland. The results of the study indicate that the subpolitics of multiculturalism are implemented through strategies of rationalisation and governance of minority populations rather than by recognising national and cultural ambivalences. The thesis is that such (sub)politics may reinforce the risk of cultural and ethnic demarcations among young people.

This article reveals the dynamics of youth subpolitics engagement amidst concern about environmental, social and economic risks of extractive industry operations. By focusing specifically on one of industrial locations as a case study, we explore how young people reflect nowadays and future various risks. This research uses a qualitative method with descriptive approach. Data is collected through focus group discussion (FGD), interview, and documentation. Behind youth subpolitics engagement discourse, we found that a change designed by young people leads to the risks. At this point, youth subpolitics engagement attempts to capitalize the risks that they initially against. At micro level, it turns out that a dominant actor controls youth subpolitics engagement. Applying the theoretical approach of strategic action fields developed by Neil Fligstein and Doug Mc Adam, we analyze how the dominant actor changes an arena of youth subpolitics engagement in dealing with the risks of extractive industry. As a result, young people depend on extractive industry operations.

The article offers an attempt to reconstruct the concept of civic society and, with the help of new instrumentation, to analyze the dilemmas of the appearance and development of the civic society in Lithuania. In the concept of the civic society, the emphasis on its non-political and self-building character predominates. The basic motive of the attempt to reconstruct the civic society, as presented in the article, accentuates the necessity of the appearance of the political component in the civic society. The political connections of the civic society have been labeled as sub-politics or non-state politics. Not only the potential of the political connections of the civic society, but also their limits have been analyzed: the civic society is able not only to take over some of the state functions that are managed inefficiently, but, by doing it in a resolute way, to stimulate the society's fragmentation. It has also been emphasized that the concept of the civic society implies two not identical, but simultaneous actions: the civic society is not built by the state "from above", however, it is not the result of a mere selfbuilding process, either. […]

The article offers an attempt to reconstruct the concept of civic society and, with the help of new instrumentation, to analyze the dilemmas of the appearance and development of the civic society in Lithuania. In the concept of the civic society, the emphasis on its non-political and self-building character predominates. The basic motive of the attempt to reconstruct the civic society, as presented in the article, accentuates the necessity of the appearance of the political component in the civic society. The political connections of the civic society have been labeled as sub-politics or non-state politics. Not only the potential of the political connections of the civic society, but also their limits have been analyzed: the civic society is able not only to take over some of the state functions that are managed inefficiently, but, by doing it in a resolute way, to stimulate the society's fragmentation. It has also been emphasized that the concept of the civic society implies two not identical, but simultaneous actions: the civic society is not built by the state "from above", however, it is not the result of a mere selfbuilding process, either. […]

The article offers an attempt to reconstruct the concept of civic society and, with the help of new instrumentation, to analyze the dilemmas of the appearance and development of the civic society in Lithuania. In the concept of the civic society, the emphasis on its non-political and self-building character predominates. The basic motive of the attempt to reconstruct the civic society, as presented in the article, accentuates the necessity of the appearance of the political component in the civic society. The political connections of the civic society have been labeled as sub-politics or non-state politics. Not only the potential of the political connections of the civic society, but also their limits have been analyzed: the civic society is able not only to take over some of the state functions that are managed inefficiently, but, by doing it in a resolute way, to stimulate the society's fragmentation. It has also been emphasized that the concept of the civic society implies two not identical, but simultaneous actions: the civic society is not built by the state "from above", however, it is not the result of a mere selfbuilding process, either. […]

The article offers an attempt to reconstruct the concept of civic society and, with the help of new instrumentation, to analyze the dilemmas of the appearance and development of the civic society in Lithuania. In the concept of the civic society, the emphasis on its non-political and self-building character predominates. The basic motive of the attempt to reconstruct the civic society, as presented in the article, accentuates the necessity of the appearance of the political component in the civic society. The political connections of the civic society have been labeled as sub-politics or non-state politics. Not only the potential of the political connections of the civic society, but also their limits have been analyzed: the civic society is able not only to take over some of the state functions that are managed inefficiently, but, by doing it in a resolute way, to stimulate the society's fragmentation. It has also been emphasized that the concept of the civic society implies two not identical, but simultaneous actions: the civic society is not built by the state "from above", however, it is not the result of a mere selfbuilding process, either. […]

This article discusses service journalism — the way the news media provide their audiences with information, advice and help about the problems of everyday life — in light of the theory of the public sphere and the growth of subpolitics fostered by reflexive modernization. Service journalism addresses two main types of everyday problem — grievances and risks — but it tends to subsume the former under the latter due to the effects of promotionalism as an increasingly dominant logic shaping the popularization of media formats and content. Apropos the public sphere debate, we argue that service journalism addresses a hybrid social subject — part citizen, part consumer and part client. Moreover, despite the fact that service journalism tends to individualize problems, it is amenable to politicization inasmuch as it shares common ground — the problems of everyday life — with the social movements and advocacy/activism groups that are the collective, motive force of subpolitics. Subpolitics politicizes the problems of everyday life in the way that it tends to subsume risk under grievance and break with the exclusionary, binary logic of mediational politics. This allows plural identities, individualistic and collectivistic, to coexist in an ambivalent and fluid way.

The article analyses practices, perceptions and political dramatizations of bone marrow donation in Cyprus. Based on empirical data from an ethnographic study on practices of organ and bone marrow transplantation in postcolonial Cyprus, forms of oppositional biopolitics are analysed that are not bound by the modern, étatist regime of governing populations but capitalize on new developments in biomedicine, on new political movements, as well as on transformations in the political sphere. These reconfigurations are interpreted as instances of an emerging bio-subpolitics that transcends national borders and produces new complexities, interrelations, associations and social forms that come into being alongside biomedicine. At the same time, these developments co-produce cosmopolitan citizens and new subjectivities, transcending nationally bound regimes of political deliberation and identification. These forms of biopolitics mobilize local historical experiences and take advantage of affordances provided by biomedical platforms operating on a global scale that make available an opportunity structure for a cosmopolitan bio-subpolitics.

The article offers an attempt to reconstruct the concept of civic society and, with the help of new instrumentation, to analyze the dilemmas of the appearance and development of the civic society in Lithuania. In the concept of the civic society, the emphasis on its non-political and self-building character predominates. The basic motive of the attempt to reconstruct the civic society, as presented in the article, accentuates the necessity of the appearance of the political component in the civic society. The political connections of the civic society have been labeled as sub-politics or non-state politics. Not only the potential of the political connections of the civic society, but also their limits have been analyzed: the civic society is able not only to take over some of the state functions that are managed inefficiently, but, by doing it in a resolute way, to stimulate the society's fragmentation. It has also been emphasized that the concept of the civic society implies two not identical, but simultaneous actions: the civic society is not built by the state "from above", however, it is not the result of a mere self-building process, either. The dilemmas of political - non-political, system - anti-system, consolidated- fragmentary, local – global characteristics are typical of the appearance and development of the civic society in Lithuania. Beside the universal content of the dilemmas in question, the unique character of their development in Lithuania is quite obvious. Lithuania has not yet managed to escape from the "non-synchronic circle" of the (self)-building of the state and the civic society. The statement that the civic society in Lithuania is arising anew each time after the formation of the national state would be too categorical. However, Lithuania does not have any substantial experience of the non-interrupted co-existence of the civic society and the state, its development has been discrete. The civic society in Lithuania fails to get rid of the anti-system approach with respect to their own country, although anti- system values usually form with regard to foreign states. The lack of synchronism is not favorable to any newly – developing system, and the more effort is made to consolidate the non-political character of the civic society, the less favorable it becomes. The motive of the building of the politicized civic society, of the realization of its political component remains unattractive in Lithuania, as it is identified with the striving of the state to control the society. In fact, one might expect the alienation of the civic society from the state, but not its total de-politicizing. Unless the civic society is politicized, i.e. unless attempts are made to solve certain common problems of the society without the state's interference or with its minimum interference more and more frequently, the interventionist strivings of the state will never in any way yield to restriction. Thus, the gap between the civic society and the state in Lithuania leaves no serious chance for their interrelation, and simultaneously for their modernization. The present situation results from the contradiction of nationalism and an anti-system approach, which historically is no longer promising. The anti-system approach determines the absence of widely-spread civic movements that would aim to introduce changes in the life of the society, but not merely seek for state power, in Lithuania. The inertia of the anti-system approach caused unjustifiable strivings to de-politicize the civic society and not to collaborate with the state. The anti-system approach is a serious obstacle to the appearance of self-activating, i.e. irretrievably strong, civic society. The rudiments of the civic society in Lithuania experience not so much the necessary support from the state, but rather intensive interventionism. The duty of political democracy with regard to the civic society - to open the possibility for a free individual to set their own goals independently and together with their compatriots to establish one or another type of social order - remains unfulfilled. In its turn, the civic society retains a strict anti-system approach. All that witnesses the weakness of both levels - the state and the civic - of the organization of our society. In such a situation, not only the internal consolidation potential of the Lithuanian civic society, but also its openness for global processes remains problematic. However, with Lithuania becoming integral part of the fast-progressing world, it cannot avoid the new factors that influence the development of the civic society: post-materialism and information, and that can become a weighty argument for the appearance of a "loyal division" between the civic society and the state. ; Šiame straipsnyje dėstomas pilietinės visuomenės sąvokos rekonstrukcijos atvejis ir, pasitelkus naują teorinį instrumentarijų, analizuojamos pilietinės visuomenės tapsmo ir raidos dilemos Lietuvoje. Lietuvos plėtotės modeliuose nesunku įžvelgti pilietinės visuomenės perspektyvos konstravimo pastangas, tačiau pilietinę visuomenę "paskelbus" neišvengiamybe, stokojama lygiaverčio jos esmės supratimo. Masinis formulės "pilietinė visuomenė" vartojimas nusako net jos devalvaciją. Pilietinės visuomenės sampratoje vyrauja nepolitinio pobūdžio akcentai. Straipsnyje, kitaip negu nepolitinės pilietinės visuomenės analitinės dimensijos atveju, siekiama aktualizuoti pilietinės visuomenės ir politines sąsajas, šių sąsajų potencialą, o taip pat ir ribas. Pilietinė visuomenė – tai nesuskaičiuojama daugybe mažų, laikinų susivienijimų, nuolat besiformuojančių, žlungančių ir vėl susidarančių pačių keisčiausių judėjimų, pereinančių net prie dramatiškų akcijų ir vėl atlėgstančių, ir tik šitaip - natūraliai - socialiai koordinuojami. Pilietinė visuomenė čia suvokiama ne tik kaip visuomenės gebėjimas keistis ar būti stabilia "iš apačios", bet ir kaip potencialus visuomenės fragmentacijos šaltinis. Todėl prasminga nagrinėti pilietinės visuomenės aktualijas pasitelkus ne tik jos ir valstybės takoskyros, bet ir jų sąveikos (greta kitų jos formų - ir politinės) kategorijas.

1. Towards a critical theory of online abuse -- 2. Gamergate and the subpolitics of abuse in online publics -- 3. Becoming Facebook famous : commodification and exploitation on social media -- 4. Attention whores and gym selfies : sex and nudity in the online visual economy -- 5. Dick pics, sexting and revenge porn : weaponsiing gendered power online -- 6. From #OpGabon to #OpDeathEaters : transnational justice flows on social media.