La tesi riguarda lo studio del grado di autonomia degli enti sub-statali alla luce del principio di integrazione europea, nel contesto sia nazionale sia soprattutto comunitario. ; The thesis concerns the degree of autonomy of the local government levels in the light of European integration, in both the national and, above all, the European contexts.
La ricerca esamina il ruolo delle imprese che svolgono attività di sicurezza privata in Italia (oggi definita anche "sussidiaria" o "complementare") in relazione allo sviluppo delle recenti politiche sociali che prevedono il coinvolgimento di privati nella gestione della sicurezza in una prospettiva di community safety. Nel 2008/2009 le politiche pubbliche di sicurezza legate al controllo del territorio hanno prodotto norme con nuovi poteri "di polizia" concessi agli amministratori locali e la previsione di associazione di cittadini per la segnalare eventi dannosi alla sicurezza urbana ("ronde"). Nello stesso periodo è iniziata un'importante riforma del settore della sicurezza privata, ancora in fase di attuazione, che definisce le attività svolte dalle imprese di security, individua le caratteristiche delle imprese e fissa i parametri per la formazione del personale. Il quadro teorico del lavoro esamina i concetti di sicurezza/insicurezza urbana e di società del rischio alla luce delle teorie criminologiche legate alla prevenzione situazionale e sociale e alla community policing. La ricerca sul campo si basa sull'analisi del contenuto di diverse interviste in profondità con esponenti del mondo della sicurezza privata (imprenditori, dirigenti, studiosi). Le interviste hanno fatto emergere che il ruolo della sicurezza privata in Italia risulta fortemente problematico; anche la riforma in corso sulla normativa del settore è considerata con scarso entusiasmo a causa delle difficoltà della congiuntura economica che rischia di compromettere seriamente la crescita. Il mercato della sicurezza in Italia è frastagliato e scarsamente controllato; manca un'azione di coordinamento fra le diverse anime della sicurezza (vigilanza privata, investigazione, facility/security management); persiste una condizione di subalternità e di assenza di collaborazione con il settore pubblico che rende la sicurezza privata relegata in un ruolo marginale, lontano dalle logiche di sussidiarietà. ; The research examines the role of private companies engaged in security in Italy (now also called subsidiary or complementary) in relation to the development of recent social policies that provide for the involvement of private sector in security management from a perspective of community safety. In 2008/2009 the public policy of safety-related control of the territory have produced standards with new "police" powers granted to local administrators and the prediction of association of citizens to report adverse events to urban safety ("rounds"). At the same time a major reform of the private security industry began, still in the implementation phase, which defines the activities of security companies, identifies their characteristics and sets standards for the training of personnel. The theoretical framework of the paper examines the concepts of security / insecurity and urban risk society in the light of criminological theories related to social and situational prevention and community policing. The fieldwork is based on the contents of several in-depth interviews with members of the private security (contractors, managers, researchers). The interviews revealed that the role of private security in Italy is highly problematic, even the ongoing reform of the regulatory environment is considered with little enthusiasm because of the difficulties of the economic situation that is likely to seriously affect the growth. The security market in Italy is jagged and poorly controlled; missing coordinate between the different souls of security (private security, investigation, facility / security management); a condition of subordination and lack of cooperation remains with the public sector which makes the private security relegated to a marginal role.
The scientific research on the future of the European Union does not allow a right explanation of this political and legal phenomenon. This is evidenced by economic investigations on the financial market without real social referents, or sociological investigations on differences in the social identity without taking into account the legal norms. Therefore, this work is developed from the perspective of legal sociology, to sustain the thesis that the political and legal project of the European Union, nowadays corresponds to a project of defensive modernization. ; La investigación científica sobre el futuro de la Unión Europea no permite una justa explicación de este fenómeno político y jurídico. Así lo evidencian investigaciones económicas sobre el mercado financiero sin referentes sociales reales, o de sociología sobre diferencias en la identidad social sin tomar en cuenta el cuadro de las normas jurídicas. Por esta razón, este trabajo se desarrolla desde la perspectiva de la sociología jurídica, en vías a sustentar la tesis de que el proyecto político y jurídico de la Unión Europea, de acuerdo con la época actual, corresponde a un proyecto de modernización defensiva.
Sommario: L'articolo propone un'analisi concettuale dei fondamenti del Modello Sociale Europeo come sistema di welfare multilivello. In particolare, espone l'importanza della sussidiarietà amministrativa tra i diversi livelli della governance europea come un elemento centrale della cittadinanza sociale. Con questa espressione viene definita l'articolazione strategica tra legittimità sovra-nazionale e responsabilità sub-statale che ottimizza l'implementazione di politiche pubbliche. L'impatto dei cosiddetti "nuovi rischi sociali" (NSR) dipende dalle possibilità di sviluppo sociale, strutturale ed istituzionale delle comunità locali. In questo senso, l'autonomia fiscale a livello regionale è un aspetto centrale per garantire politiche redistributive e di solidarietà. Partendo da queste riflessioni, nell'ultima sezione si valuta come la governance multilivello possa rafforzare la cittadinanza sociale europea grazie all'interscambio di esperienze positive e innovative tra diversi stati membri, specialmente nell'attuale congiuntura di instabilità economica internazionale. Abstract: In this article we carry out a conceptual review of European Social Model's basic issues as a multilevel welfare system. We outline administrative subsidiarity between different levels of European governance as one of the main pillar of social citizenship. With such expression we define the strategic configuration between transnational legitimacy and sub-state accountability in the provision of public policies. The impact of the so-called "new social risks" (NSR) relies on the social, structural and institutional development of local communities. According to that, financial autonomy at a regional level is a key resource for policy innovation together with the concomitants issues of redistribution and solidarity. Starting from these issues, the concluding section of the paper puts forward the idea that the advancement of social citizenship in the European Union may be best achieved through the interchange of positive and innovative experiences among and within member states, especially in the current international situation of economic instability. ; Peer reviewed
In the wide debate about the crisis of the welfare systems in Europe, the very role of the State has been challenged. The subsidiarity approach, in particular, has developed a very articulated theoretical discourse, showing the necessity to reform the social order in line with the principle of subsidiarity. The principle prescribes that the State needs to play a role of guarantee of the common good, while the provision of services has to be devolved to lower-level providers, with a public or a private status. This implies that the activation of private actors becomes a condition for the achievement of the common good. The research question guiding our analysis refers to how the State can act as the guardian of the common interest while its achievement is left to the mobilization of individuals and groups. After a presentation of the subsidiarity approach, and of its contribution to the debate on the redefinition of the role of the State, the analysis focuses on the Lombardy case as a model of "subsidiarity governance". We concentrate on the solutions identified by the regional government in order to promote the activation of people and civil society. In particular, we focus on the implementation of two policies presented by the regional government as "subsidiarity inspired": a school voucher scheme, introduced in 2000, targeted at families choosing private schools (Buono scuola) and a policy of promotion of family associations introduced in 1999. The analysis aims at evaluating the success of these policies in promoting subsidiarity-inspired choices, in order to assess how top-down interventions by the State can have an impact in stimulating bottom-up mobilization by the civil society.
Il presente elaborato intende approfondire il tema del Partenariato Pubblico-Privato (PPP) quale strumento sempre più attuale e rilevante, non soltanto all'interno dell'ordinamento giuridico nazionale ed europeo, segnatamente per quanto attiene disciplina che concerne i contratti pubblici e le concessioni, bensì quale premessa, oggi più che mai necessaria e strategica per sviluppare azioni e interventi di cui potersi avvalere per affrontare le molteplici e complesse sfide della crisi economica e finanziaria dominata da stringenti vincoli di finanza pubblica. Il Capitolo II si concentra sulla dimensione contrattuale della collaborazione pubblico-privato in ambito strettamente contrattuale, dedicando particolare attenzione alle concessioni di lavori, di servizi ed alla finanza di progetto, con un excursus dalle origini attraverso un cammino normativo non sempre agevole, fino ai più recenti sviluppi normativi con l'entrata in vigore prima delle direttive 2014/23/UE, 2014/24/UE e 2014/25/UE e quindi del nuovo Codice dei contratti pubblici e delle concessioni (d.lgs. n. 50/2016). Il capitolo III è dedicato alle esperienze di collaborazione pubblico-privato istituzionalizzate, quali in primis le società miste per gestione di servizi di pubblica utilità, aventi interesse economico generale e successivamente le altre fattispecie collaborative quali le fondazioni per la gestione dei servizi, anch'essi d'interesse generale ma privi d'interesse economico, quali i servizi nell'ambito della sanità, della formazione universitaria e della ricerca scientifica. Infine, il Capitolo VI indaga la possibilità per il principio costituzionale di sussidiarietà orizzontale, di potere realmente evolvere da mero principio statico ispiratore delle relazioni collaborative e cooperative tra gli attori istituzionali ed i soggetti privati a modello propulsivo e dinamico di una nuova e più aggiornata strategia di crescita, per promuovere in modo adeguato ed efficiente lo sviluppo dei territori al tempo della crisi, e per favorire gli investimenti pubblici proprio attraverso gli strumenti di PPP. ; The following Thesis aims at detailing the topic of the Public-Private Partnership (PPP), as an increasingly recurrent legal instrument, not just as a legal phenomenon tied with the Italian and European legal order (in particular as for public contracts and concessions) but rather as a preliminary condition that must be held in order to develop the strategies of action that the various challenges posed by the economic and financial crises require in term of limits towards the public spending. The Chapter II focuses on the contractual dimension of the Public-Private Partnership in a stricto sensu contractual ambit, devoting particular attention to concessions of services and to project financing, with an excursus from the origins, through a difficult normative pathway, until the most recent legislative developments with the entrance into force of the directives 2014/23/UE, 2014/24/UE e 2014/25/UE and of the Code of public contracts and of the concessions (d.lgs. n. 50/2016). Chapter III is devoted to the description of experiences institutional PPPs, in primis "mixed" companies established for the management of public utilities (Services having a General Economic Interest) and then to the other examples of cooperation, as foundations for the management of Social Services of General Interest, as healthcare services, secondary and higher education and scientific research. The last Chapter, n. VI, investigates the possibility for horizontal subsidiarity to evolve from a mere "static" principle which inspires the relationship of cooperation between private and institutional actors towards a more dynamic model propelling a fresh and timely strategy of growth, in order to promote adequately and efficiently local development in time of crisis and to favour public investments through PPP.
The doctoral thesis aims to analyse the recent establishment of the Single Resolution Mechanism (SRM) which constitutes the second pillar of the European Banking Union, entrusted by the European legislator with the mission to ensure an orderly resolution of failing banks and groups, with minimum impact on the real economy and public finances of the participating Member States. The objective of this research is to highlight the main consequences arising from the establishment of such a mechanism within the EU framework. To this purpose, attention is paid, on the one hand, to the compatibility between the SRM regulation and the EU subsidiarity principle and, on the other hand, to the main problems related to the field of judicial protection. Chapter I recalls the historical-legal evolutionary process leading to the establishment of the Banking Union. Chapter II focuses on the analysis of the main provisions of the SRM regulation, with particular regard to the organizational and functional aspects of the entire mechanism; to the relationship between the SRB and the NRAs; to the decision-making process and, finally, to the powers they have been assigned with by both the SRM regulation and the BRRD. Once highlighted the SRM "working context", analysis have been conducted in order to study the SRM regulation through the "legal filter" of the subsidiarity principle (Chapter III). In this regard, the latter has been connected to the provision of Article 114 TFEU and the agencification process, which, according to the doctrinal point of view, can be regarded as one of the latest concrete expression of the subsidiarity principle, if not even a way of legitimizing such a principle. On the basis of the the relevant case law, together with the specific and unique features of the banking resolution field and the powers the SRB has been entrusted with, conclusions have been drawn about the compatibility of the SRM regulation with the subsidiarity principle, although not traditionally understood. Moreover, the main purpose being also to get a preliminary understanding of the judicial protection's effectiveness within the SRM, Chapter IV is devoted to identifying and illustrating the issues and challenges to be faced by those subjects which will be affected by resolution decisions. From this perspective, analysis have been carried out having regard to the allocation of competences outlined in the SRM regulation, namely a complex administrative (and therefore judicial) machinery, most of the time involving interrelations between the European and the national level. Finally, Chapter V attempts to summarize the main blocks of the research and to draw general conclusion on the SRM-related topics.
This work aims to explore the theme of the commons , horizontal subsidiarity and Information and Communication technologies . Realms of a reflection on the development of a new model of Public Administration . The foundations of which are posed by a renewed social need , namely the need for citizens to take responsibility for the management of their common resources . Therefore , as a result of this reflection , it tried to trace a path through the illustration of some concrete experiences , for the definition of a " Subsidiary Paradigm " , in which public institutions work together with the citizens in the management of the commons . We have tried to demonstrate, as the common good , not being linked either to the public or to private property , represent the ideal tool for the realization of shared solutions. The participatory management initiatives of such goods, thus become, sustainable patterns of economic and social development. This, of course, requires the involvement of citizens in all proceedings relating to the common good, through the persecution of the Principles of Subsidiarity, Transparency, Participation, democracy and equal opportunity. To the success of this model it is essential that P.A., operate with citizens through an orderly path to insights that must necessarily start from knowledge, which must be constructed, inclusive, widespread and integrated. It moves, therefore, as part of the dynamics of the Information and Public Communication, which is crucial to invest to bring the system of E-Government processes. On the Government Theme of common goods, information and communication have a key responsibility in the sense of power and ability to affect the construction of a shared relationship in the public interest realization. In this sense, they are drawn to positive and critical of ITC tools in our administrative system in order to define a strategy for Information and Communication, aimed at effective sharing of public choices. It sought to identify those useful corrective to build a subsidiary relationship , taking into account all the factors liable to the growth of a conscious citizenship of their responsibilities and their rights . As we see , then, if there is a starting point of this reflection , it is the awareness of a "disease " of our current administrative system , and just analyzing this disease , has attempted to define a possible cure , that you have chosen to locate in the introduction of a " Technology Institutional " in key subsidiary , which can effectively adapt to digital ,at the end of a real and conscious participation of citizens in decision-making and management of their common resources .
Ascertaining that today immigration phenomenon has considerable effects on legal systems, the paper aims to reflects on the necessity of its more organic and structural regulation and management, which points to a 'normalization' of immigration, that necessarily requires a multilevel governance. Analysing the case of the Piedmont Region, therefore, the paper intends to uphold how the Regions can really take on an innovative and decisive role in rethinking and building territorial policies and practices, based on the principle of subsidiarity and on a public-private integration. A regional social system would thus usefully be established which would allow for a more comprehensive integration of society, implying, first of all, a change in the host community, and better able to fulfil and strengthen democracy in the legal system.
The regulation on GMO products is a highly controversial field, because of different levels of competences and governance involved and due to the presence of conflicting interests. For this reason, the legal framework on food safety and scientific innovation in agriculture represents an interesting case study on multilevel governance. Moreover, GMO regulations are strictly connected to scientific progress and research, requiring an integration of different fields of expertise, such as law-maker, scientific experts and stakeholders. The paper takes into account the possible ways of legislative intervention, analyzing risks and benefits of the balancing between the need to guarantee food safety and the promotion of scientific development.
Through a cross-disciplinary approach the authors provide an analysis of the large impact of the Early Warning Mechanism introduced in the Treaty of Lisbon with the goal of involving National Parliaments (NPs) in the European normative production and, consequently, contributing to a higher "democraticity" of EU decision-making process. The involvement of NPs should increase compliance with the principle of subsidiarity and overcome the traditional democratic deficit. The paper – through a critical perspective- concludes connecting the weakness of more democratising procedures with some crucial peculiarities of the prevailing EU integration paradigm. ; La presente ricerca si basa su un approccio interdisciplinare e mira ad analizzare e valutare l'impatto delle innovazioni procedurali introdotte dal Trattato di Lisbona relativamente al Meccanismo di Allerta Precoce (MAP), il cui scopo è di contribuire a una più elevata "democraticità" del processo decisionale europeo. Un sistematico coinvolgimento dei Parlamenti Nazionali secondo la procedura in questione favorirebbe una più diffusa armonia dell'azione di governo europea col principio di sussidiarietà, concorrendo, dunque, al superamento della tradizionale questione democratica. Il paper - attraverso un approccio critico - suggerisce, infine, di mettere in relazione la debolezza di procedure miranti a incrementare la democraticità del sistema decisionale con alcune cruciali peculiarità del modello d'integrazione alla base del progetto europeo. ; Peer reviewed
ABSTRACT The research focuses and analyzes the relations between the European institutions and local authorities. A first part of the work concerns the study of "regionalism" in the various European countries in order to understand the institutional and the various features in the different legal systems; in particular analyzing the cases of Italy between regionalization and federalism, France and its regions, the Federal Republic of Germany and the role of the Lander, the British devolution, the federal monarchy in Belgium, the autonomous communities in Spain and voivodships in the Polish Republic. Subsequently i intend to analyze the historical path / politician of the growing role of local and regional governance in the European Union through the changes made by the various treaties, from indifference to local regional beginning of the process of European integration, to Regional policy in the Lisbon Treaty and the introduction of the concepts of Euroregion and EGTC (Economic Groups of Territorial Cooperation), passing through the Single European Act and the Consultative Council of Local Government, the Maastricht Treaty and the creation of the Committee of Regions, the Amsterdam Treaty and its Protocol on the application of the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality, the Nice Treaty, the Laeken Declaration and the White Paper on European Governance of 2001. In the next chapter, i analyze the introduction of principle of subsidiarity within the EU, and its evolution through the Protocol on the application of this principle introduced in Amsterdam and considerably strengthened by the Treaty of Lisbon in 2007. The next chapter is devoted to the institution that represents their interests in the European system the different regional realities, namely the Committee of the Regions. In particular, it refers to the reasons of the birth of this institution trying to retrace the moments in which he played an important role in the process of European cooperation, as well as the study of the institutional functioning of the committee. Another part of the thesis, is dedicated to those instruments that Europe uses in relation to regional realities in terms of economic support, such as the ERDF funds, both in terms of direction of the cohesion policy of the European Union aimed at reducing disparities between the levels of development of the various Member States and the backwardness of the least prosperous regions, in order to promote the harmonious development of the different regions of Europe. Finally i refer to the rules for participation of Italian regions Competencies in relation to a so called "descendant" to the "bottom", the reform of Title V of the Constitution and the recent law n. 234 of 24 December 2012, on "General rules on Italy's participation in the formation and implementation of legislation and policies of the European Union", which establishes, by repealing the law n. 11/2005, the new framework for the intervention of Parliament, the Government, the regions and other institutional players for the training of the Italian position in the arrangement of the acts and policies of the European Union and the performance of those obligations under European Ordinamento; Finally, a last part is devoted to the case of the Campania Region.
The essay focuses on the need to aggregate the municipalities in larger bodies and suitable to perform certain tasks, trying to demonstrate how the drawing of these maps of aggregation cannot be arbitrary, but has to respect constitutional rules, such as first the principle of economy. The essay highlights the need to coordinate this principle with the vertical subsidiarity one, to allocate functions and services to the various local authorities and to avoid the proliferation of instrumental bodies. It also emphasizes the relationship between economic and political responsibility, as an instrument available to citizens to obtain the effective fulfillment of fundamental rights, through the exercise of public functions and services. ; Il contributo si sofferma sulla necessità di aggregare i Comuni in organismi più grandi e idonei a svolgere determinati compiti, cercando di dimostrare come il disegno di tali mappe di aggregazione non sia rimesso all'arbitrio del legislatore ordinario, ma incontri vincoli di rango costituzionale, quale anzitutto il principio di economicità. Il saggio evidenzia inoltre la necessità di coordinare tale ultimo principio con quello di sussidiarietà verticale, per allocare funzioni e servizi presso i vari Enti territoriali ed evitare la proliferazione di Enti strumentali. Si sottolinea, inoltre, il collegamento tra economicità e responsabilità politica, inteso come strumento a disposizione dei cittadini per ottenerel'effettivo soddisfacimento dei diritti fondamentali attraverso l'esercizio di funzioni e servizi pubblici.
The reform of the education system undertaken by the 16th legislature in Italy seems to break away from the past by placing particular emphasis on formal school collaboration frameworks. In the present scenario the functional autonomy of schools is no longer exercised through the networking activities that were set up under the prior Regulation on School Autonomy, but it is veering towards different forms of organised collaboration. Thus recent national reforms on school autonomy seem to point towards a new interpretation of the concept of school autonomy whereby schools are encouraged "from the centre" to engage in leaner collaboration frameworks that also aim to prevent the sprawling of divergent regional reticular models. Significantly, under the revised Title V of the Constitution the school system consists today of a range of different regional systems and the pyramidal structure of the past has been replaced by web-like patterns governed through coordination and regulated by vertical and horizontal subsidiarity mechanisms. Therefore today the model of collaboration which appears best suited to reflect the complexity of territorial organization calls for the creation of networks that bring together schools and operators from outside the school sector within the regional system with the support of public institutions. Such initiatives are expected to translate into collaborative regional frameworks in which all the players contribute to the achievement of shared objectives.
This contribution offers some reflections on the meaning and the effects of the involvement of national parliaments in EU decision-making processes, after the Treaty of Lisbon. It argues that national parliaments are a numerous and very differentiated family, composed of political institutions, each often with its own long history and traditions. The Treaty of Lisbon now confers new powers upon them, which can be exercised for different aims and according to various formations. Specific attention is paid here to the early warning mechanism, based both upon the provisions of the Treaty, and upon the first indications coming from institutional practice: it is a soft power, but it is designed to effect the principle of subsidiarity, a crucial hub of the EU ≪composite Constitution≫, which has been – correctly, it is argued – interpreted broadly, also in connection with the "political dialogue" put in place by the Commission. Till now, its effects consist most of all in accelerating the process of the Europeanisation of the national parliaments and in giving a small contribution in the fundamental direction of re-aligning politics (which is still mainly national) and policies (which are, for the most part, determined at EU level). ; Il contributo propone alcune riflessioni sul significato e sugli effetti derivanti dal coinvolgimento dei Parlamenti nazionali nei processi decisionali dell'Unione europea, dopo il trattato di Lisbona. Rileva che i Parlamenti nazionali sono una famiglia molto numerosa e differenziata al suo interno, composta da istituzioni politiche, ognuna in genere con una sua lunga storia e con tradizioni risalenti. Il trattato di Lisbona attribuisce loro nuove funzioni, che possono essere esercitate per fini diversi e con formazioni variegate. Una specifica attenzione viene prestata al meccanismo di "allerta precoce" ("early warning mechanism"): è un potere debole, ma disegnato per rendere effettivo il principio di sussidiarietà, un nodo cruciale della Costituzione "composita" dell'Unione europea, il quale è stato fin qui – correttamente, si sostiene – interpretato in modo estensivo, anche in connessione con il "dialogo politico" avviato dalla Commissione europea. Finora, i suoi effetti sono consistiti soprattutto nell'accelerazione data al processo di "europeizzazione" dei parlamenti nazionali e nel offrire un piccolo contributo nella direzione fondamentale di riallineare la "politics" (che è ancora prevalentemente nazionale) e le "policies" (per larga parte determinate a livello di Unione europea). ; W artykule zaprezentowano znaczenie i konsekwencje wynikające z zaangażowania parlamentów narodowych w unijne procesy decyzyjne po wejściu w życie Traktatu z Lizbony. W swoich rozważaniach Autor zwraca szczególną uwagę na tzw. "mechanizm wczesnego ostrzegania" ("Early Warning System"), jako procedurę skutecznie zmierzającą do wzmocnienia szeroko rozumianej zasady pomocniczości, leżącej u podstaw "unijnej Konstytucji", której towarzyszy "dialog polityczny" prowadzony przez Komisję Europejską z parlamentami narodowymi. Środek ten ma służyć również przyśpieszeniu procesu tzw. "europeizacji" parlamentów narodowych.Tłumaczenie: C. Bronowski
