Suchergebnisse

"This essay was delivered as one of the popular course of lectures at the invitation of the trustees of the Cooper institute . December 15th, 1877. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Around the turn of the last century the suffrage was a crucial political issue in Europe and North America. Granting the disenfranchised groups, all women and a proportion of men, the suffrage would foreseeably have lasting effects on the structure of society and its gendered organization. Accordingly, the suffrage was hotly debated. Absent in this debate were the voices of disenfranchised men and this article asks why this was so. No research has been found on why these men did not fight for their suffrage while women ́s fight for their suffrage has been well researched. Within this context, the article examines the case of Iceland, in terms of issues such as the importance of urbanization, social change and culturally defined perceptions of men and women as social persons. It is argued that men did not have the same impetus as women to fight for their suffrage, and that if they had wanted to they were in certain respects disadvantaged compared to women. The gendered organization of society emerges as central in explaining why women fought for their suffrage and men did not, and why women's suffrage received more attention than men's general suffrage. As a case study, offering a microcosmic view of the subject in one social and cultural context, it allows for comparison with other like studies and with ongoing social processes. ; Peer Reviewed ; Ritrýnt tímarit

The Suffrage Postcard Project (SPP) uses digital humanities methods to produce thematic analyses of its growing open-access digital archive of woman suffrage postcards. By developing a critical feminist digital humanities (DH) framework to explore the visual narratives that suffrage postcards produced during the 1900s and 1910s, especially in the United States and Britain, the SPP fosters critical approaches to feminist and transatlantic suffrage history and visual culture. It utilizes a range of digital tools, including Omeka and Python, to address the following research question: How can feminist digital humanities practices engender new visual historical narratives of the suffrage movement? Our aim is to better understand how gender and intersecting identity markers were deployed in suffrage postcards in ways that challenged, subverted, supported, and upheld hegemonic political structures.

This project is aimed at discovering information on the lives oflesser known individual members of the suffrage movement; the scope of the research includes both political activity and the general character oflife for the rank and file of the movement. Specifically, I have gathered information about the life of Hattie Lloyd, a suffrage activist who lived in Plevna, Montana. She is credited as 'especially active' during the campaign for suffrage in Montana. The information was compiled from a variety of databases and primary sources both online and in print. Resources include Montana Memory Project, U.S. census records, and Montana Newspapers. Of particular use in investigating Mrs. Lloyd's background, was a newspaper called 'Fallon county times' and a volume titled O'Fallon Flashback. This project contributes to the study of U.S. women's history because it assembls information on individual suffrage activists with the intent of contextualizing the greater suffrage movement in the lives of those individuals. This research helps to sketch an outline of the typical suffrage activist and the kind oflife they lead. It is beneficial because it grounds the movement in the ordinary people who comprised the organizations, committees, and institutions that kept the movement functioning and successful.

Reprinted from the American political science review, v.7 no.4, November 1913. ; Mode of access: Internet.

V magistrskem delu si postavljam ambiciozen cilj – predstaviti rešitve, ki bi v okviru demokracije omogočile dobre volilne odločitve. Kriterij dobre odločitve utemeljujem z načinom in postopkom sprejemanja odločitve, in ne z vsebino odločitve, saj je ta v demokraciji vedno pravilna. Postopek sprejemanja dobre odločitve delim na zbiranje informacij in njihovo vrednotenje, rezultat katerega je končna odločitev. Ker je vrednotenje informacij varovano s svobodo misli, sem se v želji po zagotavljanju dobrih odločitev osredotočil na informiranost volivcev. To želim doseči z uvedbo formalne zahteve po informiranosti volivca o volilni tematiki. Zahteva je izražena v predlaganem ukrepu omejitve volilne pravice na podlagi dolžne skrbnosti informiranja, ki volivce sili v informiranje, saj ti v nasprotnem primeru izgubijo pravico soodločanja. Poseg v splošnost volilne pravice utemeljujem z varovanjem javnega interesa in pravic drugih, pri tem pa sem zahtevani standard informiranosti, s ciljem ustavne dopustnosti, spustil na goli minimum. Ker kvaliteta volilne odločitve danes ni prepoznana kot samostojna vrednota, ne more uspešno konkurirati volilni pravici, zato predlagani ukrep na ustavnem testu sorazmernosti posega v varovano dobrino in teža koristi, za katere si ukrep prizadeva, pade. Predlagana ureditev torej z vidika trenutno veljavnega pravnega okvirja ni dopustna. ; At the beginning of my master's thesis, I set myself an ambitious goal – to ensure good electoral choices within the framework of democracy. The criterion for a good decision is based on the method and the decision-making process, and not the content of the decision itself, since the content itself is always the right one in democracy. I divide the process of making a good decision into the gathering of information and the evaluation of the gathered information, together resulting in the electoral decision. Since the evaluation of information is protected by the freedom of thought, I focused on the part of the gathering of the information to guarantee good electoral choices. To ensure the voters are sufficiently informed about the electoral topic, I am introducing a formal requirement for it. The requirement is expressed in the proposed limitation of the suffrage, based on the voters' duty to be informed about the electoral topics, which forces the voters to be informed, as they otherwise lose the right to vote. This is upheld by the opposing interest of protecting the public interest and the rights of others. As the goal of the proposed limitation was also to be compliant with the Constitution, I lowered the level of informational awareness requirement to its bare minimum. Since the quality of the voting decision is not (jet) recognized as an independent value, it was not able to successfully compete with the voting right in the constitutional test of proportionality and thus the proposed limitation failed the test. In the light of the current legal framework the proposed limitation is therefore not permissible.

Introduction, by Brougham Villiers [pseud.]--The woman's suffrage movement in the nineteenth century, by Florence Balgarnie.--The present position of the women's suffrage movement, by Emmeline Parkhurst.--The women's suffrage movement among trade unionists, by Eva Gore-Booth.--Co-operator and citizen, by Rosalind Nash.--Women and politics, by J.K. Hardie.--The legal disabilities of women, by Christabel Parkhurst.--The civic rights of the married woman, by Constance Smedley.--Woman in the past and future, by Margaret McMillan.--Women and the revival of interest in domestic politics, by Mabel Atkinson.--The international movement for women's suffrage, by Nellie A. Martel.--Tactics, by R.F. Cholmiley.--A pioneer of the movement [Mary Wollstonecraft] by Millicent G. Fawcett.--Women in the new era, by C. Despard.--Appendix: One and one are two; Talked out, by Israel Zangwill. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Finnland war das erste europäische Land, welches Frauen vollständige politische Rechte zugestand. Die in der politisch aufgeheizten Situation nach dem Generalstreik von 1905 durchgeführte bahnbrechende Reform sprach Frauen nicht nur das aktive, sondern auch das passive Wahlrecht zu. Wie auch in anderen jungen Nationen war das frühe Frauenwahlrecht in Finnland mit starken nationalen Bestrebungen sowie einer rapiden Demokratisierung verbunden. Außerdem bot das Stimmrecht eine hervorragende Möglichkeit, die Grenzen der Bedeutung von staatsbürgerlicher Partizipation zu definieren und brachte zugleich eine neue Genderperzeption mit sich. Aufgrund der besonderen kulturellen Bedeutung der landwirtschaftlichen Tradition beinhaltete die Ausgestaltung der Geschlechterbeziehung einige besondere Komponenten, welche, gepaart mit einer günstigen politischen Situation, den frühen Einzug von Frauen ins Parlament ermöglichte. ; Finland was the first European country where women gained the full political rights. The reform, carried out in a political inflammable situation after the great strike in 1905, was pioneering: it gave women not only the right to vote but also to stand as candidates for Parliament. In Finland, as well as in other young nations, the early suffrage of women was connected with strong national aspirations and in these nations democracy also emerged rapidly. Furthermore the right to vote was the most salient vehicle to regulate the limits and contents of citizenship including a new notion of genders. Due to the cultural background, which was strongly bound with agricultural tradition, the relationship between genders in Finland contained some peculiar features. This, associated with a favourable political situation, enabled the early entry of Finnish women into Parliament.

The introduction of universal suffrage for the selection of the Hong Kong Chief Executive is often portrayed as the answer to the problems afflicting the executive-legislative relationship in Hong Kong. But even in the increasingly unlikely event that a consensus can be reached on the necessary electoral methods, the introduction of universal suffrage would, by itself, do little to address some of the structural problems that spring from the strong system of separation of powers — and, particularly, separation of persons — that exists under the Hong Kong Basic Law. The near total separation of membership of the executive and legislature in Hong Kong weakens the political party system and creates the potential for deadlock between the two branches of the political structure. Such structural issues will need to be addressed alongside the introduction of universal suffrage. If the introduction of a parliamentary system is considered too radical a solution in Hong Kong, such reforms should instead focus on finding the maximum cross membership possible within the present constitutional structure, and improving channels of communication between the executive and legislature. Such reforms would also offer hope for addressing some of the problems currently afflicting the executive-legislative relationship in Hong Kong, even if consensus cannot be reached on the introduction of universal suffrage. ; postprint

According to the United Nations Population Fund, in October 2011 the world population reached 7 billion people, 3456.8 millions of whom are women.In the U.S.A, the total population is 313.1 million in 2011. Of those, 158.5 million are women, which means a little bit more than a half. In this country the people eligible to vote in 2008 reached more than 218 million, 55% of whom are women.The numbers are similar in Switzerland. With a total population of 7.7 million people, the country has 3.9 million of women – again, just a little bit more than the half –, and 54% of the Swiss eligible to vote are women (2010).However, the current representation of women in politics around the world does not reflect the population data. At parliamentary level worldwide, the percentage of women who occupies seats as deputies or senators is 19.2% and 17.8% respectively. These means that even though the historical representation of women in politics has been rising, the number of males representatives still is overwhelmingly higher.For reference only, the minimum percentage that is consider necessary for a fair and considerable representation of ideas that can influence the decision making is about 30%.In January 1918 the 19th Amendment of the USA Constitution was included in the political agenda for the discussion of the House of Representatives and the Senate. The president of USA, Woodrow Wilson, recognizing the woman's support to their country during the war, urged the politicians to vote in favor of the amendment. The Representatives passed the amendment on May 1919, and the Senate did the same on June. Thereafter, the approval was in hands of each state. More than twenty states ratified it within six months. Thirty six were needed to include the amendment into the Constitution, and Tennessee turned out to be the one which had the final decision. After a very close vote, just one of the legislators changed his opinion and the woman's right to vote was approved. Literally, the 19th amendment says: "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." With those two simple lines, the activist women of the USA, who had been fighting for their right to vote for more than seven decades, finally achieved their goal and the history of American women in politics change forever.On the other hand, Switzerland is the last European country that allowed its women to vote at national level. Many say that it was due to the decisions take longer to be taken in a direct democracy. But there, it took too long.The Swiss society can be consider as patriarchal, conservative, traditional and with marked streaks sexist, which is exemplifiedin the traditional perception of the woman's role as restricted to 'kinder, kirche und kuche' ('children, church and kitchen'), still valid specially in German-speaking regions.However, the active feminist movements exist since long time ago, and they fight not only for the woman's right to vote, but also for legal equality and the empowerment of women in all aspects.By 1962, with the intention to sign the European Convention of Human Rights, the government of Switzerland asked for an exception about the legal equality of genders – specifically for the women's right to vote -. Against this, the associations pro the female suffrage protested, and the commotion forced the authorities to review that posture. So, a referendum was decided by the government in 1968, and the public consultation took place in February 1971. Finally, the results were different. More than six hundred thousand (about 66%) Swiss men said YES to the women's right to vote, so since then all Swiss women are allowed to vote at national level.Furthermore, on October 31 of the same year, there was a parliamentary election in Switzerland, and eleven women were elected to be part of it.The United States of American and Switzerland differs in many aspects, such as size, population, traditions and history. However, both have also some things in common. They both took too long to allow their women to vote, granting with that a better political equality.Their political regime is pretty similar, both are democratic countries. In the process of getting the female suffrage the USA parliament, as well as the Swiss, played a key role since the decision of including the issue into the constitutional order should, in the first instance, be approved by the legislature. But after the parliament passed it, the next step was different within the two countries. USA led the final decision to the local governments, while in Switzerland was the people who had to finish the process. This means that in the European country the men citizens had the final word instead of the parliamentarians, who should represent the interest of all citizens, men and women. There is then, a social matter. Switzerland is a multicultural country with a big percentage of foreigners among its residents, four official languages, and a rich history of immigration. Nevertheless, the Swiss society is mostly conservative and traditional, in particular its regions of German´s descendants and residents, not so the French or Italians. The facts speak by themselves: in the referendum of 1959, only three cantons voted for allow the Swiss women to vote, all three were 'French'; while in the 'German' canton call Appenzell Innerrhoden, the amount of No votes was about 95%. Another point that can be considered as a difference within the two countries concerning the female struggle, are their leaders. Both, the American and the Swiss movement, had notorious female leaders. They were all active politicians and were deeply committed to the cause, which contributes to the organization of the movements and also to the well development of the activities.However, the American female leaders, although they were largely convinced of the injustice of gender inequality, none of them had high-level education. The abolitionist Elizabeth Cady Stanton was a writer, but she never took college studies. Lucretia Mott was a school teacher; and Susan B. Anthony just dedicated her entire life to the fight for women's rights. Except for Stanton (she was a lawyer's daughter), they didn't came from high educated families. Meanwhile, the most famous leader of the Swiss movement for women's right to vote, Josi Meier had a different background. Her real name was Josephine Johanna Meier, but was also known as the 'Grand Old Lady'. She died in 2006 at the age of eighty. Meier, who also came from a poor family, graduated as a lawyer in 1952, but had been defending women's right for a long time. When the right to vote for women was finally awarded in 1971, she became one of the members of the Lucerne cantonal parliament, and some month later she was among the eleven women elected as parliamentary representatives. Moreover, Meier took place in the Senate some years later and in 1991 became the first woman ever to be the Senate's speaker.It is worth comparing also the opposition that the movements had to face in both countries. The resistance to the women's right to vote, in USA as in Switzerland, had the objective of stop the progressive movements, defended the traditional order of the society and, as Nicole Herz (1992) describes, "'Antis' had to re-define the scope of woman's sphere and put government back into the male's sphere". Furthermore, the opposition in USA and in Switzerland used to use the same arguments to fight against the change. The religious beliefs were common among the opposition movements. The 'God word' and the biblical commandments that assure women were made to be men's support, good wives and exemplary mothers, dedicated to their homes and children, were some of the weapons of the anti-suffragist. Coming from conservative education, they believed that 'women belong to the kitchen' and there they must remain. Political issues were thought to be rude and complicated so only men should handle it, women would lose their femininity if they involved in politics. Other of the arguments was that the basis of the family, and therefore of society, was the women's homemakers, so if women get their right to vote, then they would had less time to do it and the families would lose their foundations, so the society would derail.Finally, there is one last fact that both, USA and Switzerland, had in common. It was the influence of an external factor into their government decision of do something about the right to vote for women. In the USA it was the World War I. In Switzerland, the Cold War.During the First World War (1914 – 1918) the American women began to be part of the work force of the country while the men went to fight in the battlefield. Doing this, women helped to sustain the USA economy developing their labor in traditional male occupations. After that, they used it as a weapon and strong argument for their struggle for suffrage right. If they were strong enough to work as men, their opinion should also be important enough in politics as men's. The men and the government must recognized it, and they had not any strong argument against the women's claim anymore. On the other hand, the Swiss government was afraid about the national security during the Cold War. Given the geopolitical situation and the small size of Switzerland, the Communist could saw it as a strategic war point. For that reason, the government thought in expand and strengthen its military force, including women into it. Again, the Swiss women, as the Americans, argued that the demand of their labor force should be compensated by granting the right that they had been fighting for. Moreover, in Switzerland there was also another factor that there was not in USA. The integration with the European region, materialized in the signing of the European Convention of Human Rights, needed the government to catch up its settings, so the legal equality should be guaranteed. The willing of being part of the region in such a difficult time as the Cold War, pushed the Swiss government to move forward in the woman's right to vote issue.The United States of America, as well as Switzerland, witnessed the long struggle for the female right to vote but, what are the current results of it? How much equality have today those countries in political terms? Have their women real participation in politics nowadays?According to the Interparliamentary Union ranking, in 2010 Switzerland was positioned as the 26th country with more women in parliamentary, while USA was in the 70th position with only 89 women among 532 legislators. Although some researchers suggest that the American women are more likely to participate in elections by making use of their right to vote than men; the USA politics still have a lot to improve in order to eliminate the gender gap in political area. On its part, Switzerland has less inequality in politics, but still is not absolutely equal. The Swiss Executive Branch is comprised of seven members, all with equal decision power, and one of them is named, by rotation, Federal President. The first woman elected as President was Ruth Dreifuss, who took place of the position in 1999.In 2010 for the first time, three women were occupying high political positions in the Swiss government simultaneously. Moreover, in September 22 of the same year, after one more woman was elected as minister, the Executive was composed by four women and three men, marking the first time ever that the Swiss government has a female majority. To sum up, unlike USA, which has never had a woman as President; Switzerland seems to be more progressive when it comes to high positions in politics nowadays. *Estudiante de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales.FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay

Thèse-Univ. de Toulouse. ; "Bibliographie": p.[5]-13. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Reprinted from the Proceedings of the American Political Science Association for the year 1906." ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Reprinted from the Political science quarterly, vol. vii. no. 2." ; Mode of access: Internet.

Professor Senia Pašeta argues that our understanding of modern Irish and British politics would be enormously enriched if we recognized two things: that the Irish and British suffrage movements were deeply connected; and that the women's suffrage movement across the United Kingdom was shaped in fundamental ways by the Irish Question from the late nineteenth century and into the twentieth. In other words, the women's suffrage movement did not exist in a political vacuum. It interacted with, influenced and was influenced by the other main political questions of the day, and with the main political question of the day - Ireland.

Although the women of Kansas have had the right to vote for only about forty-five years, most women today take it for granted and look upon it as something which they have always had. This thesis shows the steps by which women received full suffrage tram the very men whom they often antagonized by their methods, tactics, and attitudes. The author has also attempted to show that the right was not easily gained, but required the work of three intensive campaigns. In many instances, the greatest problem was the indifference of women themselves. The data used in this thesis came from the newspaper files, books, and manuscript materials of the Kans as state Historical Society Library at Topeka, the newspaper files, books, and documents materials of the Forsyth Library at Fort Hays Kansas State College, Hays, and from personal interviews with people who remembered the last campaign. In the appendix are tables and a map included to show the vote by counties on the proposed amendment in each election in which it was being considered. Although it is impossible to equate the actual effect of woman suffrage on Kansas government, the author has pointed out some possible results of woman suffrage. Chief among these are an increased interest in government on the part of women as well as a responsible use of the suffrage.