Suchergebnisse

Tez No: 578543 ; Yüksek Lisans ; Yetkilendirilmiş yükümlü statüsünün uygulanması ve bu uygulamanın Türkiye'de ki ithalat ve ihracat işlemleri üzerine etkilerini araştırdığım bu çalışma üç bölümden oluşmaktadır. İlk bölüm olan giriş bölümünde Yetkilendirilmiş Yükümlü Statüsünü genel olarak değerlendirdik ve şartlarını inceledik. İkinci bölümde ithalat, ihracat ve gümrük işlemlerinin genel işleyişleri ve yapısı hakkında incelemeler yapıldı. Son bölümde ise bu statüyü almış firmalar ile yaptığımız anket ve görüşmeler neticesinde ortaya çıkan sonuçları analiz edip yorumlamasını gerçekleştirdik. ; Explores the impact on imports and exports in Turkey, this study is in three parts. In the first section, which is the introduction, we evaluated the Authorized Obliged Status in general and examined the conditions. Investigations were made on the general functioning and structure of the second countries' import, export and customs operations. The last team prepared this status and the results of our surveys and interviews with companies have analyzed and commented.

Un estudi de l'ICTA-UAB i la Universitat de Maryland (UMD) alerta dels sectors que podrien posar en risc al conjunt de l'economia nord-americana davant el fenomen del pic del petroli. Els investigadors recomanen accions immediates al govern i als sectors privats per reduir la vulnerabilitat d'aquestes indústries. ; Un estudio del ICTA-UAB y la Universidad de Maryland (UMD) alerta de los sectores que podrían poner en riesgo al conjunto de la economía norteamericana ante el fenómeno del pico del petróleo. Los investigadores recomiendan acciones inmediatas al gobierno estadounidense y a los sectores privados para reducir la vulnerabilidad de estas industrias. ; Researchers from the ICTA-UAB and the University of Maryland (UMD) demonstrate in a new study which sectors could put the entire U.S. economy at risk when global oil production peaks ('Peak Oil"). This multi- disciplinary team recommends immediate action by government, private and commercial sectors to reduce the vulnerability of these sectors.

Energy has been the most contested meta since the mid-19th century. Since energy was utilized for light and heating at first and later for industrial production it has become one of the indispensable element of social and economic life. In line with the industrial and technological development, increasing energy need and consumption have become one of the indicators of power in economic, political and social areas since having political power depends on a strong economy. Also, energy is a fundamental factor in contemporary economy. Therefore, states struggle to have necessary energy resources, keep energy routes under control and access to energy easy and cheaply. Since the states do not have an equal position in energy reserves, there occurs a struggle to possess and access to energy resources. On the other hand, it has to be noted that possession of energy resources does not mean that that state has economic and political power. Since energy is an area of contesting global powers, it may lead to political, economic and social instability. It is possible to test the above statement by looking at the present and potential conflict areas in the world. Energy creates political as well as economic dependency between energy supplying and consuming countries. In order to mitigate the effects of this dependency, regional and global cooperation occurs. On the other hand, energy becoming a political tool with high economic and political cost has led states, both suppliers and consumers, to alternative energy resources. Thus, it is possible to explain why states with high levels of income from energy resources started to invest in other areas that can create income, such as tourism. Another issue is the legal and environmental problems occurring during the extraction and transportation of energy resources. Environment and environmental problems are top in the agenda of the world since the end of 21st century. Huge environmental contaminations on land and sea occurring during production and transportation of fossil fuel demonstrates the importance of the issue. In the light of all these issues, 1. International Eurasia Energy Problems Symposium has been held in 28-30 May 2015 at İzmir Katip Çelebi University by the Faculty of Economic and Administrative Sciences in order to host as an academic platform for up-to-date ideas and opinions. During the symposium, experts on the area found opportunity to express their opinions in areas of energy supply and security, alternative energy resources, legal and environmental problems, regional political and economic conflicts and contesting global powers. Definitely, hosting an international symposium is hard work. However, consecutive success makes hard work a pleasure and proud for organizers and supporters. There is no doubt that organizing conferences, meetings and symposiums necessitates team work. On the other hand, individuals and institutions who chair these teams and give support financially and morally have to be mentioned. Therefore, we thank to the rector of İzmir Katip Çelebi University, Prof. Dr. Galip AKHAN, who encouraged the symposium. Also, we thank to the dean of the Faculty of Economic and Administrative Sciences, Prof. Dr. İbrahim Attila ACAR, who cultivated fast and practical solutions to problems occurred during the organization and demonstrated patience, harmony and understanding; and to the president of the organization board Assoc. Prof. Dr. Nesrin DEMİR from the Department of International Relations, who has a ii significant share in the success of the symposium with her never-ending energy and enthusiasm. In the symposium held in 28-30 May, the participants, who sent the full texts of their work, bear the legal and academic responsibilities. During the editing process, meaning and content of their work have been kept.

Ülkemizin ekonomik ve sosyal gelişiminde önemli misyon üstlenen devlet üniversitelerinin gelişmelerinde en önemli rolü yetki ve sorumluluklarıyla en üst makamda rektörler ve onların yetkisinde oluşturulan yönetim kademeleri üstlenmektedir. Her dört yılda bir üniversitelerde önemli bir gündem konusu olan rektör seçim süreci beraberinde farklı tartışmaları da gündeme getirmiş ve sonuçta 2016 yılı Ekim ayında yapılan yasal düzenlemeyle kaldırılmıştır. Oy verenler açısından bu sürecin nasıl bir karar mekanizması içerdiği ampirik açıdan ele alınmamış bir konudur. Bu çalışmada yükseköğretim kurumlarında dekan, bölüm başkanı gibi yönetici atamalarında isteğe bağlı uygulanabilen seçim yöntemi ve önerilecek yeni yöntemlere ışık tutması açısından, devlet üniversitelerinde rektör aday belirleme seçimlerinde oy kullanan öğretim üyelerinin oy kararını verirken hangi kriterleri dikkate aldıkları bir uygulama araştırmasıyla tespit edilmeye çalışılmış ve belirlenen kriterlerin oy kararındaki ağırlıkları iki farklı metotla Bulanık Analitik Hiyerarşi Prosesi (BAHP) yöntemi kullanılarak hesaplanmıştır. Daha sonra kriterlerin öğretim üyesi unvanlarına göre ne düzeyde değerlendirildiği incelenerek sonuçlar karşılaştırılmıştır. Örneklemden elde edilen sonuçlara göre unvanlar düzeyinde kriter önem sırasının değişmediği tespit edilmiş, fakat kriter önem düzeylerinin unvanlara göre farklılaştığı saptanmıştır ; Rectors and the management teams have the most important role with their authority and responsibilities in the development of public universities which have an important mission in the economic and social development of our country. The process of rector elections once in every four year became an important topic on universities' agenda that caused various discussions. As a result of these discussions rector elections are no longer to be held due to the law that has been changed on October 2016. This process has not been studied empirically in terms of the kind of decision mechanisms involved in the voters' perspective. In this ...

11 Eylül 2001 günü gerçekleşen saldırılar, ABD ve Amerikan halkı için dünyanın değiştiği gün olarak tarihe geçmiştir. Yaklaşık üç bin sivilin hayatını kaybettiği bu olaydan kısa bir süre sonra Amerikan dış politika anlayışı radikal bir değişim yaşamıştır. Dış politikanın ilke ve önceliklerinin büyük ölçüde değiştiği bu yeni dönemde, George W. Bush ve ekibi daha saldırgan ve tek yanlı bir yönetim sergilemeye başlamıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, radikal bir değişimin yaşandığı Bush dönemi Amerikan dış politika anlayışını teorik açıdan analiz etmektir. Bu analiz, Jack Snyder'in uluslararası politikanın ve aşırı yayılmacılığın üç büyük teorisinin varsayımlarını sentezlediği "büyük birleşik teori" temel alınarak yapılmıştır. Analizin sonucuna göre, Snyder'in özellikle Hitler Almanyası'nın dış politika anlayışını açıklamada kullandığı teorisi, 11 Eylül saldırıları sonrası Bush Dönemi ABD dış politikasının nasıl bir eğilim sergilediğini en başarılı şekilde açıklayan teoridir. ; The attacks taken place on September 11, 2001 went down in history as a day that the world changed for the U.S. and the U.S. people. In the wake of these attacks, during which more than three thousand civilians died, the U.S. foreign policy understanding went through a radical change. During this new period, when the principles and priorities of foreign policy changed to a large extent, George W. Bush and his team started to adopt a more aggressive and unilateral orientation. The objective of this study is to make a theoretical analysis of the U.S. foreign policy understanding of the Bush Era, a period of radical change in foreign policy. We will try to carry out this analysis based on the "grand unified theory", in which Jack Snyder synthesized hypotheses from three grand theories of international relations and over- expansionism. We argue that Snyder's theory, which he used to explain the foreign policy understanding of Hitler's Germany, is the most successful theory in explaining the tendency of the U.S. foreign policy restructured after the September 11 attacks.

Entrevista al Dr. Sylvain Connac, màxim referent de les pedagogies cooperatives, professor titular de la Universitat Paul Valéry de Montpeller, i investigador en Ciències de l'Educació en el grup de recerca LIRDEF. L'investigador francès precisa què són les pedagogies cooperatives, les compara amb l'aprenentatge cooperatiu que s'aplica en el sistema educatiu català i detalla el funcionament d'una classe cooperativa. A la vegada, trenca amb idees preconcebudes sobre el treball cooperatiu: incideix en la individualitat; apunta sobre voluntarietat en el fet de cooperar; marca l'ús del grup cooperatiu com una eina més, i no pas com l'única; distingeix treball en grup, treball de grup, treball en equip i treball d'equip; aporta noves situacions d'ensenyament-aprenentatge com l'ajuda, l'ajuda mútua, la tutoria o per fer col·lectiu com els debats amb finalitats democràtiques i filosòfiques (DVDP); i diferencia cooperació de col·laboració en l'aprenentatge. En definitiva, Connac va més enllà del treball en grup cooperatiu i amplia el camp d'acció dels mètodes cooperatius a l'abast. A més, valora si cooperar és un valor o no ho és, si ha de ser un mitjà o una finalitat en la seva aplicació a l'aula, i s'endinsa en la pandèmia de la covid-19 i en el fet de si és possible cooperar virtualment. Finalment, aporta línies de futur i valora si la cooperació a les aules estarà més present en el 2030. ; Interview with Dr Sylvain Connac, leading figure in cooperative pedagogies, professor at Université Paul-Valéry-Montpellier and researcher in Educational Sciences with the LIRDEF research group. The French researcher defines cooperative pedagogies, compares them with the cooperative learning that is used in the Catalan education system and describes how a cooperative class functions. At the same time, he breaks with preconceived ideas about cooperative work: he highlights the importance of individuality and the voluntary nature of cooperating; he shows that cooperative groups should be regarded as one of several educational tools and not the only one; he distinguishes between working in a group and group work, working in a team and team work; he offers new teaching-learning situations involving assistance, mutual assistance and tutoring and others that promote collective work such as democratic and philosophical debates; and he differentiates between cooperation and collaboration in learning. In short, in the interview Connac goes beyond cooperative group work and expands the scope of the cooperative methods available. In addition, he assesses whether cooperating is a value or not, whether it should be a means or an end when applied in the classroom, and he examines the effects of Covid-19 and whether virtual cooperation is possible. Finally, he provides future guidelines and assesses whether cooperation will play a greater role in classrooms in 2030. ; Entretien avec le docteur Sylvain Connac, grande figure des pédagogies coopératives, maître de conférences à l'université Paul Valéry de Montpellier, et chercheur en Sciences de l'Éducation et membre du groupe LIRDEF. Le professeur Connac précise ce que sont les pédagogies coopératives, il les compare à l'apprentissage coopératif appliqué dans le système d'enseignement catalan et il décrit en détail le fonctionnement d'une classe coopérative. Par la même, il remet en cause les idées reçues sur le travail coopératif : il souligne l'importance de l'individualité et le volontariat dans le fait de coopérer, il montre l'utilisation du groupe coopératif comme un outil de plus et non comme le seul, il fait la distinction entre travail en groupe, travail de groupe, travail en équipe et travail d'équipe, il propose de nouvelles situations d'enseignement-apprentissage telles que l'aide, l'entraide, le tutorat ou l'action collective comme les discussions à visées démocratique et philosophique (DVDP), et il fait la distinction entre coopération et collaboration dans l'apprentissage. En définitive, Connac va au-delà du travail en groupe coopératif et il élargit le champ des méthodes coopératives disponibles. De plus, il se demande si la coopération est une valeur ou non, si elle doit être un moyen ou une fin dans son application en classe, et il se penche sur la pandémie de Covid-19 et s'il est possible de coopérer virtuellement. Enfin, il fournit des pistes pour l'avenir et évalue si la coopération aura plus de place dans classe en 2030.

Yerelleştirme endüstrisi, bilindiği gibi 1990'ların başından itibaren popüler hale gelmiştir. Bu popülerlik kendini önce yazılım, sonra da internetin yaygınlaşmasıyla websitesi yerelleştirmesi alanında hissettirmiştir. Ancak bununla beraber, diğer bir üçüncü alan daha ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu alan oyun yerelleştirmesi olarak bilinir. Oyun yerelleştirmesi alanında öne çıkan etmen oyuncunun oyunu kendi dilinde alımlamasını sağlayarak, oyunu daha ilgi çekici hale getirmek ve oynanabilirliği artırmaktır. Ayrıca, oyun yerelleştirmesi alanında, yazılım ve websitesi yerelleştirmesinden farklı olarak eğlendirmek ve böylelikle oyunun diğer dillerde satışını artırmak vardır. Eğlence endüstrisi alanında önemli bir hasılat getiren oyun yerelleştirmesi bazı dillerde/bölgelerde ise profesyonel anlamda nispeten yeni bir alan olduğundan sadece gönüllü kullanıcılar tarafından yapılır. Bu bağlamda, çalışmada Wolfenstein serilerinin en sonuncusu olan 5 Mayıs 2015 tarihli The Old Blood oyununun İngilizce dil dosyasından Türkçeye gönüllü bir kullanıcı tarafından yerelleştirilmiş versiyonunda benimsenen çeviri yaklaşımları incelenmiş ve bunun oyunun ilgi çekiciliğini, oynanabilirliğini, artırıp artırmadığı tartışılmıştır. Bu bağlamda ayrıca yerelleştirilmiş versiyonla ilgili erek kullanıcı yorumlarına da yer verilmiştir. Çalışmada, metne dayalı bir yaklaşım izlenmiş ve gerekli görülen noktalarda gönüllü oyun yerelleştirmesi ekibinden ilgili kişiyle mülakat yapılmıştır. ; As known, the localization industry has become popular since the early 1990s. The popularity of the industry first come out in the software and then website localization with the widespread use of the internet. However, another third field was also added to the industry, which is the game localization. The striking factor in the game localization is to enable the target gamer to receive the game in his/her own language by making it more attractive and thus increasing the playability. In addition, what makes game localization different from other two fields of localization is to entertain the gamer and thus to increase the sales of the game in various languages. Making a huge profit in the entertainment industry, game localization is however performed by voluntary users in some regions/languages as it still a budding field in the professional setting. In this context, the non-professionally Turkish localized version of the Wolfenstein The Old Blood from the English language file,having been released on May 5, 2015 was analyzed in terms of the translational approaches adopted by a voluntary user taking responsibility in its localization and whether these approaches have increased the game play level or not was also discussed. Besides, user comments were included regarding the localized version. In this paper, a text based approach was adopted and an interview was conducted with the responsible person working in the non-professional team of the game localization projects.

Demokratik yönetim sisteminde, kuvvetler ayrılığı teorisi gereği, yönetim yetkilen yasama, yürütme ve yargı arasında paylaştırılmaktadır. Ancak parlamenter yönetim sisteminde yürütme yasamadan çıktığından yasamaya karşı sorumlu konumdadır ve bu nedenle yasama ve yargı organları tarafından denetlenmektedir. Fiili uygulamada ise yasama yürütmeyi denetlemede yetersiz kalmaktadır. Çünkü yürütmenin başı olan başbakan, mecliste çoğunluğu oluşturan parti veya partilerin lideri konumundadır. Dolayısıyla Montesquieu'nün kuvvetler ayrılığı ilkesinde öngörülen denetim, sadece meclisteki muhalefet partisi veya partileri tarafından yerine getirilebilmektedir. Muhalefetin mecliste azınlıkta olması, meclis denetimini zayıflatmaktadır. Çalışma bu nedenle muhalefete önem atfederek muhalefetin tanımını, sistem içinde oynadığı rolü ve muhalefetçe oluşturulan Gölge Kabine 'nin önemini analiz etmektedir. Çalışma, parlamenter yönetim sisteminde, hükümetin denetlenebilmesi için muhalefetin Gölge Kabine oluşturarak düzenli ve sürekli muhalefet etmesini önermektedir. Çalışma bu kapsamda muhalefetin tanımını, muhalefet etme yöntemlerini ve kapsamlı bir muhalefet örgütlenmesini irdelemektedir. Etkin denetim için muhalefetin "rekabetçi ve işbirliğine dayanan"politikalar uygulaması gerekmektedir. Muhalefetin "rekabetçi ve işbirliğine dayanan " politikalarla iktidara ciddi bir alternatif olduğunu ispatlaması gerekmektedir. Bu kapsamda, muhalefet bir taraftan hükümeti yapıcı politikalarla uyararak iktidar partisine oy vermiş seçmenlerin beğenisi alınmalı, diğer taraftan toplumsal sorunlara alternatif çözümler üreterek iktidara hazır olduğunu gösterilmelidir. ; The Power in the Parliamentary System of Government, which is a type of democratic system of government, is divided between legislation, execution and jurisdiction. Since execution is formed out of legislation in the Parliamentary System of Government, it is liable to the legislation and as a result it is checked by legislative and juridical institutions. But, in application, it can be set forth that the legislation is not competent enough to check the execution. One of the indications of incompetence is the fact that the Prime Minister is selected by the party or parties which have the majority of members in the parliament. Consequently, the mission of inspection which Montesquieu put forward in the principle of division of powers can only be fulfilled by the opposition party or parties in the parliament. But, since the opposition constitutes only the minority of the parliament, the legislative inspection gets weaker. This study analyzes the definition of the opposition by attributing emphasis on it, the role that it plays in the Parliamentary System of Government, the importance of the Shadow Cabinet in the context of opposing and methods that can be applied for inspection of the execution. The opposition should be formed as Shadow Cabinet in the Parliamentary System of Government in order that the execution can be inspected effectively. For this reason, this study explicates the definition of the opposition, the methods of opposing, and a comprehensive opposition organization. In addition, it is pointed out thai the opposition can inspect the Power and the ruling party through the Shadow Cabinet. After the parliamentary elections and the lines of parties in the parliament become clear, as a requirement of Parliamentary System of Government, while the ruling party or parties are forced to work with the Power, the opposition party or parties form the opposition front against the Power, the ruling party or parties in the parliament and their applications. The opposition party should form the Shadow Cabinet in order to inspect and obserye the cabinet more effectively. The inspection and control of the Power by the opposition in the democratic system of government is of great importance in tenns of stability of the political regime and even the guarantees the regime to be democratic. While shaping its policies, the opposition should comply with the secular and democratic rules of the game. After all, the constitutional spirit gives the Power and the opposition the mission of representing the public best in the pluralist democratic system of government and enables them to compete with each other within the democratic game rules. For his reason, an effective inspection and check of the Power by the opposition makes the cabinet stick to laws and minimizes the misuses in the administration. "Competitive and cooperative" policies should be applied in the opposing methods. Tlie concept of only "Strict competitive" or "Over compromising cooperative" opposition doesn't bring positive results. Furthermore, the opposition's "Strict competitive" or "Over compromising cooperative" policies are not encouraged by the public. For this reason, the opposition should prove that it is a serious alternative to the Power with its "competitive and cooperative "policies. In this context, the opposition should warn the Power with constructive policies, receive the appreciation of the people who voted for the ruling party and show that it is ready to be Power-by producing alternative solutions to the social problems. The opposition should try to have an image of a party having a high comprising culture by tolerating the suggestions made by the Power or at least by not rejecting them. The opposition should avoid having an intransigent party image. It should include the needs of the majority of voters in the party program and should develop policies in accordance with them. In addition to offering a successful opposition, experienced staff should be brought up. The opposition will only be able to convincingly show that it is ready to undertake execution and it is an alternative to the Power by training such staff For his reason, after the defeat in the election, the party which becomes the opposition should restructure itself with an emergency assembly and should not insist on the leaders who weren't selected by the public. As a result, the intra-party debates will be resolved sooner without harming the party and the party mil set off with its new leaders confidently. The party should be made to reach new masses in the context of restructuring, the policies constructed should be directed to inspect and check the Power and they should focus on winning the forthcoming election. For this reason, the opposition will need a professional team which will make its program and policies effective. This team is called "Shadow Cabinet" in the British Parliamentary System of Government. The missions of the members of the Shadow Cabinet will be equivalent to those of existing cabinet. The ministers of the Shadow Cabinet will check the actions and applications of the ministers of the actual cabinet and have an inspection over them and will criticize them when needed. Accordingly, the number of the members in the Shadow Cabinet is equal to that of actual cabinet. In addition, the members selected for the Shadow Cabinet should be skillful, they should be let to work actively till the end of the opposition period and with the experience they gain, they should be appointed as ministers of an actual cabinet upon a victory in the elections. As a result, the program of the Shadow Cabinet or the opposition party should alternate to the applications of the ruling party and it should convince the social base. The primary missions of the oppositions are shortly checking and inspecting the Power, trying to affect and direct the Power, developing relations with great masses of the society, overcoming deficiencies in the party program through the experiences gained, getting ready for the elections and getting ready to undertake execution in case of crisis.

ÖZETAYDIN SİYASET İLİŞKİSİ BAĞLAMINDA HÜRRİYET PARTİSİHürriyet Partisi, çok partili hayata geçiş sonrası yaşanan demokratikleşme ve kalkınma sancısının bir ürünü olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Parlamento dışından değil Demokrat Parti'den türemiştir. DP, liberal bir söylemle iktidara gelmişti. Amacı özgürlüklerden ödün vermeden topyekûn bir kalkınmayı gerçekleştirmekti. Ancak parti, iktidarının ikinci döneminden itibaren 46 ruhu olarak da adlandırılan bu varoluş felsefesinden giderek uzaklaşmaya başladı. Siyasal ve ekonomik alanda yaşanan daralma parti içi muhalefeti veya iktidar mücadelesini beraberinde getirdi. Muhalif kanat, Menderes ve ekibi tarafından tasfiye edilince yeni bir parti kurma yoluna gidildi.HP, siyasal yelpazeye yeni bir ideolojik soluk getirme amacıyla yola çıkmadı. Tıpkı DP ve CHP gibi farklı toplumsal çıkarları bağdaştırmaya çalışan eklektik bir partiydi. Partinin en özgün yanı sahip olduğu kadronun niteliğinde yatmaktaydı. Aydınların ağırlıklı bir yer teşkil ettiği bir kadronun öncülüğünde kurulmuştu. Bu nitelik, partinin dayandığı toplumsal tabandan örgütlenmede izlediği stratejiye, ülkenin sorunlarına yaklaşım biçiminden siyasette yaşadığı başarısızlığa kadar birçok alanda etkisini göstermiştir.Parti üç yıllık bir ömre(1955-1958) sahip olmasına rağmen Türk siyasal hayatı üzerinde bu ömre sığmayacak ölçüde izler bırakmıştır. HP dikkate alınmadan ne DP'nin siyasi tarihi ne de CHP'nin geçirdiği değişim/dönüşüm yeterince anlaşılamaz. Benzer bir durum, 27 Mayıs'ın getirdiği anayasal ve ekonomi politik düzen için de geçerlidir. HP'nin sahip olduğu fikri birikim ve ekonomik, siyasal ve sosyal sorunların çözümüne ilişkin ortaya koyduğu yaklaşım boşa gitmemiş bu yeni dönemin şekillenmesinde somut yansımasını bulmuştur.ABSTRACTTHE FREEDOM PARTY IN THE CONTEXT OF INTELLECTUAL-POLITICS RELATIONSHIPThe Freedom Party emerged as an outcome of the democratisation and development throe experienced after the transition to multi-party system. It derived from not out of the Parliament, but from the Democratic Party. DP came into the power with a liberal rhetoric. Its aim was to carry out a total development without compromising freedom. However, the party started moving off its existential philosophy, called as 46 spirit, from the second term of its power onward. The recession in political and economic sphere brought about an intraparty opposition and a power struggle. When the opposing wing was purged by Menderes and his team, they resorted to establish a new party. HP (The Freedom Party) did not set off with the intent of giving a new ideological impulse to the political spectrum. It was an eclectic party which, just like DP and CHP, tried to reconcile different social benefits. The most original of the party was the quality of its staff. It was established under the guidance of a staff predominantly constituted by intellectuals. This quality showed its effects on numerous areas from the party's social base to its strategy in organisation, from its approach to the problems of the country to its failure in the political sphere. Although the party had a three-year-life (1955-1958), it left indelible marks on Turkish political life, which cannot be fit into such a short period. Without regarding HP, neither the political history of DP nor the shift/evolution CHP has undergone can be properly understood. A similar case is also true for the constitutional and economic-political system resulted from May 27. The intellectual accumulation of HP and its approach concerning the solutions of economic, political and social problems did not go to waste, but found its tangible reflection in the formation of this new era.

Hemşirelik hizmetleri, hem sağlık ekibi içerisindeki rolü, hem de hastanelerin başarısındaki etkileri gereği önemli bir konuma sahiptir. Bu da hastanelerde hemşirelik hizmetlerinin iyi bir şekilde yönetilmesi zorunluluğunu ortaya çıkarmaktadır. Ancak, yapılan araştırmalar, yönetsel ve organizasyonel sorunlardan dolayı hastanelerde hemşirelik hizmetlerinin aksadığını ve bunun hastanın iyileşme sürecini olumsuz etkilediğini ileri sürmektedir. Hemşirelik hizmetlerinde, istenen verimliliğin elde edilebilmesi için, mevcut sorunların ortaya çıkarılması ve çözümlenmesi gerekmektedir. Bu çalışma üç farklı statüye sahip (üniversite, bakanlık ve özel) hastanelerde, hemşirelik hizmetlerinde yönetsel ve organizasyonel sorunları belirlemek ve çözüm önerileri geliştirmek amacı ile karşılaştırmalı tanımlayıcı olarak planlanmıştır. Veri toplama aracı olarak, araştırmacı tarafından literatür doğrultusunda geliştirilen, hemşire ve yönetici hemşirelere uygulanmak üzere iki anket formu kullanılmıştır. Verilerin analizinde, Yüzdelik, Aritmetik Ortalama, Oneway Anova, Tukey HDS ve Ki-Kare testleri kullanılmıştır. Hemşirelerin yaş ortalaması 27,083,70, yönetici hemşirelerin yaş ortalaması 32,935,18' dir. Hemşirelerin .0' i (n=281), yönetici hemşirelerin ise .7' si (n=54) lisans ve lisans üstü mezunudur. Hemşirelerin çalışma süresi ortalama 3,382,78, yönetici hemşirelerin çalışma süresi ortalama 7,814,64 yıldır. Yönetici hemşirelerin yöneticilik deneyimi ortalama 5,124,43 yıldır. Yönetici hemşirelerin .2' si (n=76) yönetim ile ilgili herhangi bir eğitim almamıştır. Araştırmada elde edilen bulgular ışığında belirlenen yönetsel ve organizasyonel sorunların başlıcaları; hemşire sayısının ve maddi kaynakların yetersiz oluşu, görev ve sorumlulukların belirsizliği, otokrat yönetim anlayışının hakim olması, otonomi eksikliği, motivasyon ve iş doyumunun azlığı, iş yükü ve sorumlulukların fazla olması, ekip çalışmasının olmayışı ve eğitim faaliyetlerinin yetersizliğidir. Çalışmada bu sorunlara yönelik çözüm önerilerinde bulunulmuştur. SUMMARYADMINISTRATIVE AND ORGANIZATIONAL PROBLEMS AND SOLUTION SUGGESTIONS IN NURSING SERVICESNursing service, has an important place, because of its role in the health team and its effect in the success of the hospitals. And this reality reveals the necessity of managing the nursing service in an effective way. But according to the researchs, it is one of the disrupting services in hospitals. This disruption occurs predominantly because of organizational and administrative problems. In order to obtain the desired efficiency in nursing service, existing problems should be brought to light and solved. This study has been planned comparatively and descriptively, in order to define the administrative and organizational problems in nursing services in the hospitals which have three different types of status (university, ministry and private). Two types of questionnaire forms, nurse and administrative nurse, built up in accordance with the literature and related specialist opinion, have been used as the instrument of data collection by the researcher. Arithmetic Mean, Percentage, Oneway Anova Tests, Tukey's HSD, Chi-Square tests have been used for data analysing. The average age of the nurses is 273,70 while the average age of the administrative nurses is 32,935,18. % 41.0 (n=281) of nurses and % 37.7 (n=54) of the administrative nurses have bachelor or postgraduate degrees. The average years of working of nurses is 3,382,78 and administrative nurses is 7,814,64. The average years of managerial experience is 5,124,43. .2 (n=76) of administrative nurses have no education about administration. In the light of the obtained results, the main administrative and organizational problems are: lack of number of nurses and material sources, ambiguity of duties and responsibilties, dominance of autocratic administirative understanding, lack of autonomy, inadequate motivation and job satisfaciton, excess burden of job tasks and responsibilities, lack of teamwork and insufficient educatinal activities. In the study, suggestions were made to solve these problems.

People live in cultural landscapes which they create and consistently change. In order to understand the entire process involved, it is essential to consider the fi ndings about the historical development of the region and its people for recent regional and future-oriented planning. Th e self-conception and self-awareness of a regional population is based on its culturally shaped surroundings. For example, a castle, a monastery, a medieval city ensemble or even prehistorical discoveries can become the central point of regional self-conception though the building may have lost its former signifi cance a long time ago. In this essay, the relation between the cities of a region around 1500 and the identity of the people who live there will be discussed. Th e region is called Franconia, now a part of Northern Bavaria and Northeast Baden-Württemberg. Up to 1806 it never was under a united leadership: Kings, Bishops, Princes, Knights and Imperial Cities had their separate domains. Th is kind of plurality created a huge diversity in the cultural landscape – up to present days. Th e regional historian can contribute to this whole process of regionalization and identifi cation with his/her research. He/She is part of a team consisting of archaelogists, geographers, political scientists, economists and social scientists. It is not his/her goal to continue with an archaic and outdated local historical approach but rather to implement his/her entire range of methodologies concentrated on a small region. Th e regional historian's guideline is: "Within boundaries boundless opportunities.» Th is approach can give a detailed description of the historical development of a certain region and its population over centuries. With the diminishing focus on national history, the regional historian is able to pursue a 'histoire totale' for a certain region. By using this methodological approach, the historian off ers a template of historical research which could also be used by other European regions. ; La gente vive en los paisajes culturales que crean y constantemente cambian. A fin de comprender todo el proceso involucrado, es esencial tener en cuenta los hallazgos sobre el desarrollo histórico de la región y su gente para la regional reciente y orientada al futuro la planificación. L a concepción de sí mismo y auto-conciencia de una población regional se basa en su entorno cultural en forma. Por ejemplo, un castillo, un monasterio, un conjunto medieval de la ciudad o incluso descubrimientos prehistóricos puede ser el punto central de la autonomía regional, aunque la concepción edificio puede haber perdido su anterior signifi cado hace mucho tiempo. En este ensayo, la relación entre las ciudades de una región alrededor de 1500 y la identidad de las personas que viven allí se discutió. ª región e se llama Franconia, ahora una parte del norte de Baviera y el nordeste Baden-Württemberg. Hasta 1806 no estaba bajo una dirección unida: Reyes, obispos, príncipes, caballeros y ciudades imperiales tuvieron su separada dominios. Th es una especie de pluralidad creado una enorme diversidad en el ámbito cultural paisaje - hasta la actualidad. Th e historiador regional puede contribuir a todo este proceso de la regionalización y la identificación de cationes con su / su investigación. Él / Ella es parte de un equipo formado por arqueólogos, geógrafos, politólogos, economistas y científicos sociales. No es su / su objetivo de continuar con un arcaico y obsoleto enfoque local histórico, sino más bien a poner en práctica su / su gama completa de las metodologías se concentró en un pequeña región. Guía Th e historiador regional es: "Dentro de los límites un sinfín de oportunidades ». Th es el enfoque puede dar una descripción detallada del desarrollo histórico de una determinada región y su población de más de siglos. Con el foco disminuyendo en la historia nacional, regional el historiador es capaz de llevar a cabo una 'histoire totale "para una región determinada. Mediante el uso este enfoque metodológico, el historiador de res de una plantilla de la histórica investigación que también podría ser utilizado por otras regiones europeas. ; Menschen leben in Kulturlandschaften, die sie erschaff en und beständig verändern. Um den Gesamtprozess verstehen zu können, ist eine Untersuchung der historischen Entwicklung einer Region und deren Bewohner unerlässlich für jegliche zukunftsorientierte Planung. Das Selbstbild und das Selbstbewusstsein einer regionalen Bevölkerung basiert auf der kulturellen Prägung ihrer Umgebung. So können zum Beispiel eine Burg, ein Kloster, das Ensemble einer mittelalterlichen Stadt oder sogar prähistorische Entdeckungen die Ausgangspunkte eines regionalen Selbstbewusstseins darstellen, obwohl die Gebäude ihre frühere Bedeutung längst verloren haben. In diesem Aufsatz wird der Zusammenhang der Städtelandschaft einer Region um 1500 und der Identität der Menschen, die dort leben, am Beispiel Frankens untersucht. Das Gebiet gehört heute zum Norden Bayerns und zum Nordosten Baden-Würtembergs und war auch bis 1806 nicht unter alleiniger Kontrolle – Könige, Bischöfe, Fürsten, Ritter und Reichsstädte hatten ihre jeweiligen Einfl usssphären. Diese Pluralität hat zu großen Unterschieden innerhalb der Kulturlandschaft geführt, die bis heute anhalten. Der Regionalhistoriker kann zum angesprochenen Prozess der Regionalisierung und Identitätsbildung mit seiner Forschung beitragen. Diese Forschung steht dabei in interdisziplinärem Dialog mit Archäologie, Geographie, Politik-, Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften. Dabei wird die gesamte Bandbreite vorhandener Methoden auf ein regional begrenztes Gebiet angewandt, statt sich auf die überholten lokalgeschichtlichen Zugänge zu beschränken. Die Maxime der Landesgeschichte ist also: "In Grenzen unbegrenzt." Dieser Zugang kann über Jahrhunderte hinweg sehr detaiuierte Beschreibungen der historischen Entwicklungen einer Region abgeben. Im Gegensatzzun Nationalgeschichte strebt die Landesgeschichte die 'histoire totale' einer Region an; ein methodischer Zugang zur Geschichte, der auch von anderen Regionen Europas mit Gewinn angewendet werden könnte.

Seçimler, demokratik yapıların beraberinde getirdiği hem önemli bir hak, hem de yerine getirilmesi gereken bir yükümlülüktür. Belirli birtakım şartları taşıyarak seçmen hüviyeti kazanmış bireylerin yönetsel yapıya sinen iradelerinin, tercihlerinin tezahürüdür. Demokratik yapıda daha dar kapsamda gerçekleştirilen yerel seçimler ise, yerel yönetime ilişkin bir irade beyanı niteliği taşımakta, bireyin özgürce yaptığı yerel bir siyasi tercihi ortaya koymaktadır. Bireyin kararına etki edebilmenin tek yolunun onu ikna etmek olduğu bu yapıda, yerel seçim kampanyaları ikna işlevini üstlenen yegane enstrümanlardır. Söz konusu enstrümanlar ne denli etkili kullanılabilirse, seçmen tercihine o kadar etkide bulunulabilir ve yerel seçimden istenen başarı o denli elde edilebilir. Bu bağlamda, yerel seçim kampanyalarının seçmen tercihi üzerindeki etkisine odaklanan çalışma, Sivas örneğinde gerçekleştirilen bir alan araştırmasına dayanmaktadır. Araştırmadan elde edilen veriler göstermektedir ki, yerel seçim kampanyaları yerel seçimler için gerekli, seçmenin aday tercihinde etkili ve genel seçim kampanyaları kadar özen gösterilmesi gereken kampanyalardır. Bu kampanyaların aktardığı bilgiler güvenilirlik açısından genel itibariyle sorunlu olarak algılanmakta, halkı kutuplaştırması, kaynak israfı ve gürültü kirliliği en olumsuz yanı olarak ön plana çıkmaktadır. Kampanya yapısına, yapılacak icraatlara, iletişim araç ve yöntemlerine, partiye, hassasiyet gösterilecek konulara, başkan adayına ve siyasi rakiplere ilişkin unsurlar farklı düzeyde de olsa etkileşimsel bir biçimde yerel seçim kampanyasının başarısında rol oynamakta; söz konusu kampanyalar seçmenler üzerinde daha çok ilgilendirici, bilgilendirici, yönlendirici ve pekiştirici bir işlev üstlenmektedir ; Elections, which democratic structures bring about, lead both to an important right and a liability to be fulfilled. For the sustainability of the existing democratic structures, elections are held at regular intervals and according to predetermined criteria and legal regulations. Only in this way, can the will and preferences of the individuals who acquire a franchise by possessing requisite qualifications, be reflected in a governmental structure. Local elections, which are held in a narrower scope in democratic structure, indicate the declaration of intention with regard to local government and present local political preferences individuals makes freely. In this respect, local elections, in which local political actors are elected is not very much different from general elections with the political atmosphere, contacts established with electorates, the activities engaged in and success or failure that comes as a result of these activities. During local elections two way interactions with voters are established and campaigns aiming to persuade electorates are carried out to affect their voting behaviors. In this context where the only way to influence individuals decisions is persuasion, local election campaigns are the only instruments that can fulfill the function of persuasion. The more influential these instruments are, the more influential they can be on voters' choice, and thus the more successful parties will be in local elections. Based on these presuppositions, the study, which aims to reveal the effects of local election campaigns on voters, is based on field research in Sivas sample. In this study, which is in general survey model, purposeful sampling was used and face-to-face interviews were conducted with voters. Data were collected by asking multi-dimensional question to voters in Sivas with regard to their assessments of local election campaigns. In this context, the study sought to answer the following research questions: Research Question 1: What are the views of participants with regard to local election campaigns and to what extend views are determined by the profile of participants? Research Question 2: What elements of local election campaigns do participants attach importance to and to what extend are they valued? Research Question 3: What kind of distribution do valued elements of Local Election Campaigns show in terms of participant profile? Research Question 4: What functions do local election campaigns fulfill and to what extend are these function fulfilled? The results of the study can be summarized as follows:Local election campaigns have potential effect on voters' candidate preferences. It was found that those who are strongly linked to the party they think of voting for, who show great interest to politics, artisans and self-employed people are more influenced from local election campaigns. There is a common opinion that local election campaigns are given as much importance as general elections and local election campaigns are necessary for local elections. Those who are strongly tied to the party they think of voting for, those who show strong interest in politics, those who position themselves in the left, industrialists-tradesmen, retired people, students and self-employed people believe more profoundly that local election campaigns are necessary for local elections. Local election campaigns are generally perceived to be problematic in terms of the reliability of the information they transmit. In line with this, it was found that those who are strongly linked to the party, those who show strong interest in politics, housewives, artisans and women have more optimistic views with regard to the information transmitted in local election campaigns. The most negative sides of local election campaigns are that they polarize people, cause waste of resources and noise pollution. While male voters focus on waste of resources and polarization of people as negative sides of campaigns, female voters emphasize polarization of people and noise pollution. For married people the most negative sides are the waste of resources and polarization of people, while single people emphasize polarization of people and noise pollution as negative sides. Those aged between 18 and 28 emphasize polarization of people and noise pollution, according to those aged between 29 and 39 waste of resources and polarization of people are the most negative sides and for those aged between 40 and 50 polarization of people and waste of resources are the most negative sides. Those aged 51 and above emphasize noise pollution and waste of resources as the most negative sides of local elections. The elements regarded important in local election campaigns are categorized under seven headings: campaign's structure, actions to be taken, means and methods of communication, the party, the issues to be sensitive to, the mayor candidate, and political rivals. Although they have different levels of influence, all of these elements play an interactional role in the success of local election campaigns. In this context, those who show very high interest in politics value the elements of campaign structure more compared to those who show very weak interest in politics. Besides, those whose monthly family income is between 1001 and 2000 TL compared to those whose monthly family income is 3001 TL and above and female voters compared to male voters value the elements with regard to campaign structure more. Those who are very strongly and strongly tied to the party they think of voting for regard the elements with regard to the actions to be taken more important compared to those who are very weakly linked to the party. Those who are strongly, very strongly or mildly linked to the party they think of voting for value means and methods of communication more compared to those who are very weakly linked to their party. Those who show high, very high or mild interest in politics value means and methods of communication more compared to those who show very low interest in politics. And those who show high interest in politics value means and methods of communication compared to those mildly interested in politics. Those who position themselves to the left or center-right value means and methods of communication compared to those who does not position themselves in any category and those aged between 18 and 28 value means and methods of communication more than those aged 51 and above. Those who are very strongly, strongly, weakly and mildly tied to the party they think of voting for, value party related issues more than those who are very weakly tied to the party they think of voting for. Those who are very strongly linked to the party they vote for value party related to issues more compared to those who are mildly linked to the party. Those who are highly interested in politics value party related to issues more compared to those who are mildly interested in politics. Those who position themselves in the center-left, radical right and center-right value party related to issues more than those who do not position themselves in any category and women value party related to issues more compared to men. There is no significant difference in terms of the issues to be sensitive to according to participant profile. Those who are very strongly linked to the party they vote for attach more importance to the issues related to mayor candidate compared to those who are very weakly or mildly linked to their parties. Those who show strong interest in politics attach more importance to the issues related to mayor candidates compared to those who have mild level interest to politics. Those who are very strongly and strongly attached to the party they think of voting for perceive elements with regard to political rivals more important compared to those who are very weakly linked. Those who feel very strongly attached to their parties perceive elements with regard to political rivals more important compared to those who feel mildly attached to their parties. Those who show very strong interest in politics perceive elements with regard to political rivals more important compared to those who show very weak and mild level of interest. Besides, those who show strong interest in politics perceive elements with regard to political rivals more important compared to those who show very weak, mild level or weak interest in politics. Those who position themselves in center-left, radical right and center right perceive elements with regard to political rivals more important compared to those who do not position themselves anywhere. Literate voters perceive elements with regard to political rivals more important compared to primary school graduates. Those whose monthly family income level is between 1001 and 2000 TL perceive elements with regard to political rivals more important compared to those whose monthly family income level is 3001 TL and above. It is thought that local election campaigns fulfill their functions at a medium level it mostly fulfilled its interest attracting, informative, directive and consolidating function, and fulfill its educational, transformational, entertaining and socializing function at the lowest level. In this context, for the success of local election campaigns the followings are the basic criteria: campaigns are to be conducted according to the region or city, micro level and region specific action plans should be adopted, rigorous and detailed plans should be developed, an effective campaign team should be organized, steps to be taken in short, medium and long term are to be planned carefully, application of this plan should be checked and the people who carry out the campaign should have the consciousness that they are not alone in local elections and that they are in a contest for votes with different rivals.