Suchergebnisse

Artykuł omawia najczęściej występujące w literaturze przedmiotu style kierowania pracownikami, a także próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie o optymalny styl kierowania w sytuacji kryzysu w przedsiębiorstwie. Sytuacja ta jest niezwykle trudna zarówno dla kadry kierowniczej, jak i pracowników. Często decydującą rolę odgrywa tu czas. Dlatego też menedżerowie powinni przyjmować styl kierowania adekwatny do zaistniałej sytuacji. Czasami będzie to styl demokratyczny, zdecydowanie częściej autokratyczny. W opracowaniu zawarto wyniki badań empirycznych przeprowadzonych wśród 138 przedsiębiorstw znajdujących się w kryzysie. ; This article discusses the most common in the literature staff management styles, and tries to answer the question about the optimal management style in a crisis situation in the company. This situation is a very difficult for both managers and employees. Often, time plays a decisive role. Therefore, managers should take the leadership style appropriate to the situation. Sometimes it will be a democratic style, far more autocratic. The paper contains the results of empirical research conducted among 138 companies in crisis situations.

This paper aims to demonstrate the ineptitude of the European Union in implementing action to ensure security of the member states and, in consequence, pursuing effective foreign policy towards states which are indirectly involved in the relationships within the European region. The author argues the proposition through confrontation and interpretation of knowledge conveyed in expert sources. ; This paper aims to demonstrate the ineptitude of the European Union in implementing action to ensure security of the member states and, in consequence, pursuing effective foreign policy towards states which are indirectly involved in the relationships within the European region. The author argues the proposition through confrontation and interpretation of knowledge conveyed in expert sources.

This report is based on information collected within the context of the study concerning Community Land Rights in Niassa Province in Mozambique, with special attention paid to the programme implemented by the Malonda Foundation. This programme is supported and financed by the Swedish Government and aims to promote private investment in the province while seeking, during the course of the process, to ensure equitable and beneficial social impact as an explicit objective, in particular for the local population. The study was commissioned by Sida (Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency) and the Swedish Embassy in Mozambique, as a contribution to the preparation of continued Swedish support to private sector development in Niassa Province. Provincial and local work was carried out during the period April 29th to may 22nd 2008. The team consisted of Gunilla Åkesson, team leader, from Sida's Helpdesk for Environmental Assessment, Sweden, and André Calengo, legal consultant, Mozambique. Christopher Tanner, FAO's advisor in Mozambique and specialist in the Mozambique Land Law participated as a technical advisor. During the field work the team was accompanied by staff from the Malonda programme: Célia Enusse and Francisco Pangaya, both from the Community Work Unit, Alexandre Chomar, Communications Officer and Belindo Manhiça, official from the Environment Programme.

This thesis studies political elites' beliefs about the ideal party leader. This ideal, like other human ideals, is characterized by ambivalence. The thesis explores the ambivalence expressed in party elites' leadership ideal and how it can be understood. The study draws primarily on qualitative interviews with members of the party elites in the Social Democratic Party and the Liberal Party in Sweden. Specifically, it analyzes the "life world" of the party leaders, party secretaries, group leaders in the Swedish Parliament, and election committee chairmen. Building on classical and modern research on leadership and political parties, the thesis derives an analytical tool to guide the interviews which covers six aspects of party leadership: Characteristics, Leadership style, Tasks, Freedom of action, Representation, and Status. The empirical analysis shows that the elites' party leadership ideal is ambivalent and different across the two parties. The ambiguities can be summarized as dichotomies, where the ideal leader should encompass both sides of the dichotomy. The Social Democratic Party elites' ideal is represented by two dichotomies: the leader versus the team and the party versus the government. To bridge the ambiguities, the elite resort to the idea of "anchoring". This notion resolves conflicts between the leader and the surrounding team and the party and the government. The ideal of the Liberal Party's elites includes four dichotomies: dogmatism versus pragmatism; idea versus person; appearance (outward-looking) versus action (inward-looking); and free versus constrained. Unlike the case of the Social Democratic Party, it is less evident how the Liberal Party's elites accommodate the ambiguities. However, an emphasis on accountability and maintaining a balance between existing conflicts, partially remedies the dilemma. Also, the idea of leadership within the Liberal Party is less problematic compared to the Social Democratic Party. In sum, while the Social Democrats' ideal resembles the "friendly father figure", the Liberals' ideal is portrayed by the "superficial intellectual". The findings also indicate that the way in which the parties were established, their experience of being in government, size, ideology, and position within the party system affect their beliefs about leadership ideals.

President's bill on cooperation in local government for local and regional development and on amendments to certain laws presupposes the introduction of new forms of cooperation between local government units. These include associations and committees of local activity, teams of territorial cooperation conventions of the local government delegates at the province. Submitted proposals for new forms of cooperation of local government units should be assessed as interesting and innovative at the same time. Residents of local communities are expected even more than they were a dozen years ago to modernize the infrastructure, increase efforts to protect the environment, ensure public safety and order, as well as to guarantee a stable system of health care and education. Only municipalities that are financially and organizationally strong and that cooperate with each other will be raised by counties to better positions which consequently means development of the whole province. The recently adopted EU budget for 2014-2020 may give us the last such opportunity to use EU funds even further for development of our local and regional communities. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

Main goal of the article was to analyze European Union policy towards "Arab Spring", that started in 2011. Although EU is strongly involved in the Mediterranean region its reaction on situation in North Africa was rather cautious and unclear. It seems that policy-makers of European institutions and its member states did not understand what was really going on. However slowly they took a side of opposition and European Union has undertaken a wide range instruments: political, economic, humanitarian and social. Several initiatives was implemented, such as: Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Mediterranean – PDSP, Support for Partnership, Reform and Inclusive Growth – SPRING, Deauville Initiative. EU policy towards "Arab Spring" is generally called "3 M" – Money, Mobility, Markets. There were also such support undertakings as: bilateral financial aid for South and East Mediterranean states, establishing task forces and observatory teams for elections in Arab countries and sanctions. Despite this actions EU policy towards "Arab Spring" has been evaluated as limited and too slow. It showed clearly what was known for several years: European Union needs to elaborate new and complex strategy towards the Mediterranean region.

W artykule przedstawiono multimedialną grę dydaktyczną I SPY (poz. A2–B1), przeznaczoną dla młodzieży uczącej się kilku europejskich języków obcych, w tym języka polskiego. Polskojęzyczna wersja gry przygotowywana jest obecnie w ramach projektu edukacyjnego, w którym uczestniczy Uniwersytet Łódzki. W części teoretycznej artykułu gra została ukazana jako narzędzie umożliwiające realizację zasad podejścia ludycznego oraz zadaniowego. W części głównej – analitycznej – skoncentrowano się na określeniu przydatności gry w zakresie skłaniania użytkowników języka do podejmowania działań językowych wynikających z wcześniej postawionych zadań. ; The multimedia educational game I SPY is addressed to the A2–B1 level learners of six European languages: English, Dutch, Spanish, German, Romanian, and Polish. The game was created by the international team with the participation of the University of Łódź School of Polish for Foreigners. The authors of the article, and co-creators of Polish version of the game as well, present the game as an effective tool for realization of the assumptions of the ludic and action-oriented approaches to learning and teaching foreign languages. In the main, analytical, part of the article, the authors concentrate on defining the effectiveness of the game in making learners undertake the linguistic activities in order to perform various tasks set in the game.

W artykule autorka stawia tezę, że w latach pieriestrojki, a następnie pierwszego etapu istnienia Federacji Rosyjskiej, nie zaistniały warunki gospodarcze, społeczne i polityczne dla budowy demokracji. Przyczyny tego stanu rzeczy autorka upatruje w źle przeprowadzonych reformach ekonomicznych, słabości instytucji systemowych, braku konsensusu elit. Istotny, okazał się wysoki poziom inercji społeczeństwa, zwłaszcza po nieudanych reformach pieriestrojki i rozpadzie państwa. Otoczenie międzynarodowe początkowo wspierało, głównie deklaratywnie pieriestrojkę Gorbaczowa, jednakże w wyniku naruszania standardów demokracji przez Jelcyna i jego ekipę, nie sprzyjało w sposób efektywny, procesom demokratyzacyjnym w tym państwie. ; The author of the article puts forward a thesis that the economic, social and political conditions at the time of perestroika and, then, in the first period of the Russian Federation were not conducive to the emergence of democracy. In the author's opinion, this state of affairs is due to poorly carried out economic reforms, weaknesses of systemic institutions, and the lack of consensus among the elites. High levels of public inertia turned out to be essential as well, especially after the failed perestroika reforms and the collapse of the state. The international environment initially supported Gorbachev's perestroika, albeit mainly verbally. However, after Yeltsin and his team violated democratic standards, this support was ineffective in promoting democratization processes in Russia.

The author of the article puts forward a thesis that the economic, social and political conditions at the time of perestroika and, then, in the first period of the Russian Federation were not conducive to the emergence of democracy. In the author's opinion, this state of affairs is due to poorly carried out economic reforms, weaknesses of systemic institutions, and the lack of consensus among the elites. High levels of public inertia turned out to be essential as well, especially after the failed perestroika reforms and the collapse of the state. The international environment initially supported Gorbachev's perestroika, albeit mainly verbally. However, after Yeltsin and his team violated democratic standards, this support was ineffective in promoting democratization processes in Russia. ; W artykule autorka stawia tezę, że w latach pieriestrojki, a następnie pierwszego etapu istnienia Federacji Rosyjskiej, nie zaistniały warunki gospodarcze, społeczne i polityczne dla budowy demokracji. Przyczyny tego stanu rzeczy autorka upatruje w źle przeprowadzonych reformach ekonomicznych, słabości instytucji systemowych, braku konsensusu elit. Istotny, okazał się wysoki poziom inercji społeczeństwa, zwłaszcza po nieudanych reformach pieriestrojki i rozpadzie państwa. Otoczenie międzynarodowe początkowo wspierało, głównie deklaratywnie pieriestrojkę Gorbaczowa, jednakże w wyniku naruszania standardów demokracji przez Jelcyna i jego ekipę, nie sprzyjało w sposób efektywny, procesom demokratyzacyjnym w tym państwie.

Artykuł dotyczy organizacji życia teatralnego w Polsce po roku 1989. W okresie transformacji ustrojowej nastąpiły zmiany w zakresie funkcjonowania instytucji kultury, w tym i teatrów. Polityka państwa określana jest przez pojęcia decentralizacji czy dewolucji (odejście od monopolu państwowego, przekazywanie instytucji kultury władzom gminnym i samorządom wojewódzkim) i deregulacji (proces odchodzenia od kontroli państwa, ideologiczna niezależność instytucji kultury). Publiczne teatry w Polsce reprezentują model teatru repertuarowego, którego podstawą jest stały zespół aktorski. Wzrasta jednak liczba teatrów niepublicznych (teatry non-profit, zarejestrowane jako stowarzyszenia lub fundacje, nie nastawione na zysk i teatry komercyjne).Theater Policy in Poland after the Political-System TransformationSUMMARYThe article discusses the organization of theatrical life in Poland after 1989. During the political-system transformation there were changes in the operation of cultural institutions, including theaters The State policy is defined by the concepts of decentralization or devolution (departure from State monopoly, handing over of cultural institutions to gmina [commune] authorities or provincial self-governments) and deregulation (the process of departing from State control, ideological independence of cultural institutions ). Public theaters in Poland represent the model of repertory theater based on a permanent team of actors. However, the number of non-public theaters is growing (non-profit theaters registered as associations or foundations, and commercial theaters).

24th Conference of the Geological Society of Africa – Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, January 6–14, 2013: international aid vs. "scientific neocolonialism".A b s t r a c t. 24th Colloquium of Geological Society of Africa covered a wide range of fields in geology, from basic research and mineral resources geology to hydrogeology and geotourism. Presentations delivered at the colloquium confirmed vast scale of mineral wealth of Africa, showing at the same time that any substantial further progress in identifying new resources is hampered by the lack of good geological maps at appropriate scales. Some major problems in exploitation of mineral resources in Africa are related to artisanal and small scale mining (ASM). On one hand, ASM provides an income that is sufficient to cover basic needs for tens of millions of Africans, and on the other hand – its environmental impact may be very harmful, especially in the case of mining and processing of gold-bearing ores. Geological research in Africa is usually supported scientifically and financially by EU countries, USA, Canada, Australia as well as China. This is due to the lack of local specialists and sufficiently equipped laboratories practically everywhere except for RSA. Also two papers presented by the Author and his team gave results of research carried out in Angola and Zambia mainly thanks to assistance projects financed by the Polish Aid Programme of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland.

"Minerals 4EU – European Sustainable Minerals Intelligence Network" – one of European Commission's leading projects of recent years.A b s t r a c t. In 2013–2015, the PGI-NRI participated in the implementation of one of the leading projects of EU raw materials in recent years, Minerals4EU – European Information Network on mineral raw materials. Its goal was to create the first European-scale complex and a public information network of mineral raw materials that would work in a continuous system after the completion of the project. The scope of information gathered in the network and updated on a regular basis includes data on: production, trade, demand and market conditions in the field of primary and secondary minerals. The project partners were the teams representing geological surveys of 27 European countries and several specialized research institutes. PGI-NRI actively participated in two of the six workpackages of task forces, also helping the other ones.Apart from presenting the project tasks and the effects of its implementation the publication presents in a synthetic way the results of research on the condition of availability of mineral deposits in the European Union countries, carried out by the author in the preparation of foresight on raw materials for Europe. During the study, the main causes of restrictions in accessibility of mineral deposits were identified and their trends were rated and described, pointing out to the necessary actions and measures, using the examples of goodpractice in this area. The studies are important, cognitive and applicable.

People's Republic of Poland – a Sketch for Reflections about the Laicization of the StateThe intention of this text was to ponder on, and attempt to resolve questions whether and to what degree did the laicization policy and atheization campaign conducted by successive political teams in Poland after the Second World War contribute to and accelerate the Dechristianization of Polish society, a process discernible also in other Europe states. What factors (political, social, economic, cultural, etc.) favoured such processes and what sort delayed or outright hampered them? What was the role performed by the Polish Episcopate and its long-term head – Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, the Primate of Poland, who intentionally did not hasten the transference onto Polish ground of the accomplishments of the Second Vatican Council? Another significant issue involved the character and intensity of the processes in question. Did they contribute to the modernization of the state and society or, on the contrary, did they conserve their former structure?The author paid considerable attention to the mutual Church–state relations in communist-ruled Poland. It cannot be said that at any time during this period did they resemble those between partners, albeit they indubitably evolved. Such transformations were the consequence of both the internal situation and changes transpiring on the international arena. The foremost premise of all vicissitudes affecting the relations between the Church and the state in post-war Poland (the election of Cardinal Karol Wojtyła as Pope, 1978) possessed both domestic and international dimensions.

People's Republic of Poland – a Sketch for Reflections about the Laicization of the StateThe intention of this text was to ponder on, and attempt to resolve questions whether and to what degree did the laicization policy and atheization campaign conducted by successive political teams in Poland after the Second World War contribute to and accelerate the Dechristianization of Polish society, a process discernible also in other Europe states. What factors (political, social, economic, cultural, etc.) favoured such processes and what sort delayed or outright hampered them? What was the role performed by the Polish Episcopate and its long-term head – Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, the Primate of Poland, who intentionally did not hasten the transference onto Polish ground of the accomplishments of the Second Vatican Council? Another significant issue involved the character and intensity of the processes in question. Did they contribute to the modernization of the state and society or, on the contrary, did they conserve their former structure?The author paid considerable attention to the mutual Church–state relations in communist-ruled Poland. It cannot be said that at any time during this period did they resemble those between partners, albeit they indubitably evolved. Such transformations were the consequence of both the internal situation and changes transpiring on the international arena. The foremost premise of all vicissitudes affecting the relations between the Church and the state in post-war Poland (the election of Cardinal Karol Wojtyła as Pope, 1978) possessed both domestic and international dimensions.

W opracowaniu przedstawiono kondycję Stanów Zjednoczonych doświadczonych pandemią COVID-19 i kontrowersyjną prezydenturą Donalda Trumpa. Starano się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, jak supermocarstwo radziło sobie z bezprecedensowym wyzwaniem i dlaczego w tym starciu USA się nie sprawdziły. Choć analizowano też sytuację wewnętrzną, to jednak uwaga była skoncentrowana na aspekcie zewnętrznym. Główna konkluzja brzmi następująco: starcie z pandemią obnażyło słabość i niekompetencję administracji Trumpa, czego potwierdzeniem było bogate żniwo ofiar śmiertelnych i chorych, jakie zbierał koronawirus w USA. Ekipa Trumpa nie sprawdziła się również na arenie międzynarodowej, rezygnując z tradycyjnej w takich sytuacjach przywódczej roli Ameryki, a wykazując się egoizmem czy małostkowością. Administracja Bidena podjęła próbę odbudowy rangi USA, stając jednak przed trudnym zadaniem. Pierwsze posunięcia nowej ekipy spowodowały nie tylko powrót USA na tradycyjną trajektorię amerykańskiej polityki zagranicznej, gdzie liczą się zasady i standardy, ważna jest wiarygodność i przewidywalność. Proces wzmacniania roli USA zaowocował także odbudową relacji transatlantyckich, stanowiących jeden z filarów siły Ameryki na arenie międzynarodowej. W artykule przyjęto strategię badawczą opartą na śledzeniu wydarzeń, ich ocenie, jakościowym i krytycznym analizowaniu tekstów, prowadzeniu ocen porównawczych. ; The study presents the situation of the United States experienced by the COVID-19 pandemic and the controversial presidency of Donald Trump. Efforts were made to answer the question of how the superpower was coping with an unprecedented challenge and why the US did not work in this clash. Although the internal situation was also analysed, attention was focused on the external aspect. The main conclusion is that the pandemic has exposed the weakness and incompetence of the Trump administration, as evidenced by the rich toll of deaths and sick that the coronavirus has collected in the US. Nor has the Trump team proven itself internationally, ...