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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the relation between team political skill, i.e., the mean level of political skill among team members, and team performance. Specifically, it proposes that the link between team political skill and team performance is ambiguous and contingent upon a common professional background as well as collective team commitment within the team.Design/methodology/approachData from 45 service teams with 295 team members and their supervisors were analyzed. Hypotheses were tested using OLS regression.FindingsThe results show that a common professional background and collective team commitment serve as crucial contingencies for the relationship between team political skill and team performance.Research limitations/implicationsThis study complements previous individual-level research demonstrating a positive relation between political skill and relevant outcomes by highlighting that the link between team political skill and team performance is ambiguous and contingent upon other team characteristics.Practical implicationsTo enhance team performance, managers should carefully consider the interplay between team political skill and other team characteristics when making staffing decisions.Originality/valueThe study highlights the relation of political skill with team performance and points to a potential downside of political skill in organizations.

In this article we propose to go beyond the dichotomy of virtual vs collocated teams to look instead at virtuality in teams. In so doing, we argue that technology-mediated interactions do not substitute but rather complement face-to-face interactions.We adopt a definition of virtuality in teams based on discontinuities and pursue an understanding of their dynamics in an in-depth case study of an inter-organizational virtual centre of excellence.The findings present evidence suggesting the formation of 'virtual continuities' that mitigate the effects that create discontinuities. This, we argue, enriches our understanding of the complex dynamics of virtuality. The theoretical implications are discussed.

Although Jordan suffered from violent attacks since the 1970s, radicalization as a major issue emerged in 2001 after the 9/11 attacks and Amman Hotels attacks in 2005. At the same time, Jordanians have suffered for long decades from the lack of economic prosperity, unemployment, unequal opportunities, widespread corruption, nepotism, lack of respect for the rule of law and the failure of the government to prevent such injustices. This has fostered insecurity among Jordanians, especially the youth, creating a dangerous and vulnerable social and political environment. The latter raised the government and the public opinion's awareness of the danger of radical movements in the country and led to the adoption of several legal measures to tackle radicalisation and terrorism. However, it has become clear that an exclusively legal approach is not sufficient and since 2005 civil society has been urged to take part in countering extremism. Awareness programs, workshops, and trainings have been organised, but they do not seem to help much, especially because they often lack a strategic vision.

Although role stress literature has almost exclusively focused on individual role incumbents, it is conceivable that shared conditions of ambiguity, conflict, and quantitative or qualitative overload may give rise to a collective experience of role stress in teams. Testing a multilevel mediation model among 38 Dutch project teams ( N = 283), we studied the interplay among individual and team role stress, team learning behaviors, and individual and team performance. Team role stress was discerned as a separate construct next to individual role stress. Team quantitative role overload, in particular, impeded team and individual performance by inhibiting team learning behaviors and, indirectly, also hindered individual performance by increasing individual quantitative overload.