Terrorism Today
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 2, Heft 1-2, S. 190-192
ISSN: 1332-4756
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In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 2, Heft 1-2, S. 190-192
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 1, Heft 4, S. 214-217
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 165-167
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 60-74
Unlike the debates on terrorism in everyday discourse & the media that, as a rule, imply that terrorism is an activity of nonstate groups & organizations, the author defines "terrorism" by means of its acts' nature & goals & not by its perpetrators -- hence, state terrorism. The author outlines a typology of the state's involvement in terrorism & highlights the question of terrorism's moral status. His assumption is that any act of terrorism is an ultimate moral evil, but that state terrorism is a greater evil than terrorism as practiced by nonstate actors. The author offers four arguments to corroborate this view. The last paragraph of this article speaks about counterterrorism &, finally, about the "war on terrorism" waged today by the US & its allies. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 151-158
ISSN: 1331-5595
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 7, Heft 1-2, S. 147-173
ISSN: 1331-5595
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 93-98
ISSN: 1331-5595
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 2, Heft 1-2, S. 37-52
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 15-34
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 2, Heft 1-2, S. 21-36
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 163-172
The US governance model created in the 1930s & known as Big Government is analyzed within the context of its application in foreign policy. The author looks into the foreign policy role of the American federal government, the dynamics of the relationship between the executive & the legislative branches during & following the Cold War period, & the changes occurring after the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Emphasis is on analysis of the Cold War legacy of the so-called nontraditional instruments of foreign policy interventions or the resources & techniques of covert activity. The author concludes that the extensive utilization of these instruments has significantly undermined the principle of limited federal government as one of the fundaments of American politics. However, in light of the new mobilization of resources in the fight against terrorism, it is necessary once again to evaluate the means of covert activity. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 2, Heft 4, S. 65-75
ISSN: 1332-4756
World Affairs Online
In: Politicka misao, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 31-43
Since WWII, there have been opposing views of the role & the importance of the state in international affairs. Some think that the importance of the state is slowly decreasing, since the increasing interdependence of the world has an enormous influence on both the internal & foreign policies of a state. On the other hand, some point out that the state has not lost any of its importance; on the contrary, this importance will only be enhanced since the world community has not yet come up with a model to replace sovereign state entities. States generate the structure that has a significant influence on individual & group security. This particularly applies to the post-Cold-War period, since the problems & threats of the present-day world -- economic collapse, political oppression, poverty, ethnic conflicts, uncontrolled population boom, nature degradation, terrorism, crime, & disease -- directly affect many other elements of security. It is these problems that turn our attention to the state as the most important institution of the contemporary world, since it still has at its disposal the resources for reducing or eliminating these threats. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 123-132
The topic under discussion is the correlations between respect of the sovereign equality of all states, the balance of power in the World Community, & the capability of that Community for certain joint enforcement actions when necessary. All attempts throughout the history of radical elimination of the principle of sovereign equality of states by imposing hegemony by one power, or by several powers, finally failed. That happened with the rule of Napoleon I over continental Europe prior to 1815, or with attempts to impose a "New Order" by the Axis powers during WWII. At the same time, efforts to replace the balance of power by some integrated collective security systems failed. Within the League of Nations & the UN, that balance of power continued to operate among the leading member states. There is, however, a paradox in the fact that respect of the principle of sovereign equality of all states in the presence of a balance of power considerably diminish the probability of joint enforcement actions when they prove necessary. Today, only the US has the military potential & political will to face large-scale commissions of international crimes, as well as acts of international terrorism. At the same time, the lack of the balance of powers in the present World Community results in some distorted attitudes & practices by this unique superpower that are not always in perfect harmony with basic values of our civilization. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 41, Heft 1, S. 126-137
As an expression of China's eagerness to modernize its foreign policy in line with the modified global conditions at the start of the 21st century, a new official Chinese foreign policy doctrine has emerged -- the theory of "peaceful rise." After the top echelon of the Chinese leadership have adopted this doctrine, now it is being peddled to the international public. The fundamental tenet of the theory of "peaceful rise" is that a vigorous long-term growth of Chinese economy & China's affirmation in the arena of international relations does not represent a regional or global threat; on the contrary, China's rise may be good for its neighbors (by bringing economic opportunity & strengthening their security) & the global community in general. After the successful resolution in the 1990s of the border disputes with Russia, Kazakhstan & Tajikistan, & the settlement of the issue of the land border with Vietnam, China has directed its efforts to the resolution of the remaining territorial disputes with Japan & India. China joined the ASEAN in October 2003, a sign of the continued improvement of China's relations with the countries in this region. China has also been very keen on improving its -- primarily economic -- relations with Russia & Japan that will bring economic benefits to all the parties. It is interesting that most China's neighbors, unlike the countries of the EU & the US, have a trade surplus with China. China's most important bilateral relation, that with the US, has been marked with the strategic rapprochement of those two great powers after "September 11" concerning the fight against international terrorism, but is nevertheless still burdened with an array of troublesome issues: Taiwan, criticisms of China due to its violation of human rights & intellectual property, the huge American trade deficit with China. The main challenges to the process of China's "peaceful rise" are the following: the imbalance of its economic growth, particularly its overdependence on exports, the deteriorated relationships with Taiwan after President Chen Shui-bian, a strong advocate of Taiwan's independence, won the 2000 elections. The author concludes that the Chinese foreign policy doctrine of "peaceful rise" is a welcome effort to allay the fears that have been fueled by China's prominence & to explain its new role in international relations. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.