Antiterrorism is a national priority and undercover sting operadons are a main antiterrorism tool. As our legal system's primary device for regulating undercover stings, the scope and vigor of the entrapment defense will impact the effectiveness of antiterrorism stings. The federal courts follow the subjective test of entrapment, focusing on whether the defendant was predisposed to commit the crime, or if rather the government induced the defendant to breach a legal norm. This Article argues that given the difficulty of preventing terrorist acts and the civil liberties implications of intrusive surveillance—the alternative to stings—there should be a rebuttable presumption that anyone who provides material support to terrorism was predisposed to do so. This Article argues that terrorism is such a heinous crime that it is unlikely the government could induce someone to support such criminals unless the person was one of the few predisposed to do so.
The South African government's Counter-Terrorism legislation emerged to answer the growing threat of terrorism both domestically and beyond its borders. Through multilateral platforms like the Southern African Development Community and African Union, South Africa has been involved in contributing to the formulation of counter-terrorism measures as well as update previous counter-terrorism strategies in an attempt to create the most effective system against those who are indiscriminately terrorising and murdering innocent African women and children. Furthermore, the South African government aims to deal with terrorist threats from groups like ISIL, becoming ever more daring and deadly in the Southern African region with its counter-terrorism system. A successful counter-terrorism strategy is expected to restore peace, stability, economic growth, and a much-needed sense of security in the affected areas. This paper, therefore, focused on South Africa's counter-terrorism strategy at the national and regional levels. It explored South Africa's institutional Approach to Domestic and Regional Security and Counter-Terrorism.
Terrorism is an extraordinary crime that is a challenge for the Indonesian people to abolish it. Terrorism usually starts from radical views or understandings by a particular person or group to threaten the government and make anxious Indonesian people. Because terrorism is very detrimental to the nation and state of Indonesia psychologically and materially, it is appropriate for the Indonesian people to fight the spread of understanding that can trigger acts of terrorism. One way is to strengthen the values of Pancasila to all the people of Indonesia. The purpose of this paper is for the Indonesian people to know the bitter history of acts of terrorism that have occurred in Indonesia almost every year. And also so that the Indonesian people can prevent the spread of radical thinking and always uphold the four pillars of Indonesian nationality. The thought that must be owned by the successor of the Indonesian nation is tolerance, this is due to the condition that Indonesia is a country that has many differences in many ways.
This survey provides an in-depth analysis of existing research on the economic analysis of terrorism and counter-terrorist measures. First the existing evidence on the causes of terrorism is analyzed, then we consider the evidence of the consequences of terrorism and we demonstrate why it is important to regarding of the issue of counter-terrorism policy. Moreover the survey presents the existing knowledge on the interrelation between the economy and the issue of security and it incorporates analysis the level of knowledge about the causal chains between security and the economy. Also it focuses on perspective and methodologies from the discipline of economics but also refers to research from related disciplines (sociology, political science). It also assembles the knowledge on the impact of terrorism on the economy as reflected in macro-economic variables and its impact on specific sectors. Furthermore it assesses how potential an actual terrorist event determine consumer and producer behaviour, public policy, as well as terrorist responses to these policies. Finally a European perspective on the terrorism security annexes is discussed and here we analyze the causes of terrorism in Europe.
This survey provides an in-depth analysis of existing research on the economic analysis of terrorism and counter-terrorist measures. First the existing evidence on the causes of terrorism is analyzed, then we consider the evidence of the consequences of terrorism and we demonstrate why it is important to regarding of the issue of counter-terrorism policy. Moreover the survey presents the existing knowledge on the interrelation between the economy and the issue of security and it incorporates analysis the level of knowledge about the causal chains between security and the economy. Also it focuses on perspective and methodologies from the discipline of economics but also refers to research from related disciplines (sociology, political science). It also assembles the knowledge on the impact of terrorism on the economy as reflected in macro-economic variables and its impact on specific sectors. Furthermore it assesses how potential an actual terrorist event determine consumer and producer behaviour, public policy, as well as terrorist responses to these policies. Finally a European perspective on the terrorism security annexes is discussed and here we analyze the causes of terrorism in Europe.
This paper examines whether terrorism is an effective tool to achieve political goals. By exploiting variation in terror attacks over time and across locations in Israel from 1984 to 2006, we show that local terror attacks cause Israelis to be: (i) more willing to grant territorial concessions to the Palestinians; (ii) more willing to accept a Palestinian state; (iii) less likely to identify oneself as being right-wing; and (iv) more likely to have a favorable opinion of Arabs. These effects are especially pronounced for individuals from particular demographic groups which are typically right-wing in their political views. In addition, we show that terror induces Israelis to vote increasingly for right-wing parties. This pattern of results demonstrates that right-wing parties are becoming more accommodating to Palestinian demands for territorial concessions. Hence, this paper shows that terrorism appears to be an effective strategy in terms of shifting the entire Israeli political landscape to the left. These findings may shed light on the causes underlying the spread of global terrorism in the last few decades.
Sources describe the actors quoted by journalists to support or refute their argumentation or to introduce new aspects into a discussion. Sources might be used for direct or indirect quotes and can be attributed to a variety of actors, such as government officials, witnesses or PR sources. In terrorism coverage, the media tends to mostly rely on official sources such as the government or police officials. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Content analyses focus on journalistic sources beyond terrorism coverage. Such analyses are often based on "Agenda-Setting" theories (McCombs & Shaw, 1972), models conceptualizing the relationship between journalists and PR, power hierarchies, or studies on working routines of journalists. References/combination with other methods of data collection: Similar analyses in the context of "Automated Content Analysis" try to grasp news "Actors", of which news sources might be one, automatically (for example Burggraaf & Trilling, 2020). In addition, interviews with journalists can shed light on their sourcing routines (Larsen, 2018). Two studies are of particular value when analyzing sources used in terrorism coverage since they analyze a large variety of different sources and will hence be discussed in the following section. Example studies: Larsen (2019); Venger (2019) Information on Larsen, 2019 Author: Larsen (2019) Research question: How are radicalization and violent extremism framed in the news, including the sources used in these articles? Object of analysis: Online news from four Norwegian news outlets (Aftenposten, NRK, TV2, and VG) Time frame of analysis: 2014–2015 Info about variables Variable name/definition: Sources Level of analysis: News stories Variables and values: 27 different values, namely (1) no source, (2) police, (3) security services, (4) national politician in position, (5) national politician in opposition, (6) local politician, (7) bureaucracy/administration, (8) lawyer, (9) military/intelligence, (10) expert/researcher, (11) ...
According to convention, the emergence of 'international terrorism' led the European Community (EC) member states to initiate co‐operation from the mid‐1970s onwards. A different story is told here by examining how 'international terrorism' appeared as threatening and co‐operation in the context of the EC became regarded as a logical solution. The article frames this as political events ('international terrorism') overflowing the space of politics (the state), whereby the latter felt it necessary to set up a series of arrangements to try to encapsulate the excesses of the former. It shows how the interpretation of terrorism as an illegitimate political provocation constituted an obligation for states to respond. Stressing the international character highlighted individual states' inability to tackle terrorism, which made it possible for co‐operation to appear as obvious. Trevi and the Dublin Agreement are examined as manifestations seeking to work around, and thus reinventing, the limits of state sovereignty.
Stunned by the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the Bush administration adopted a new National Security Strategy in September 2002. The UK government took a similar stance. This new strategy calls for anticipatory attacks against potential enemies with uncertain capacities and intentions, even before their threat is imminent. Rather than wait for evidence of weapons of mass destruction, it shifts the burden of proof, obliging ''rogue'' states to show that they do not harbor weapons of mass destruction or terrorist cells, or else face the possibility of attack. This new strategy amounts to the adoption of the Precautionary Principle against the risk of terrorism. We offer two main conclusions about precaution against terrorism. First, any action taken to reduce a target risk always poses the introduction of countervailing risks. Moreover, a precautionary approach to terrorism is likely to entail larger, more expensive interventions, so the expected opportunity costs are likely to be higher. While considering worst-case scenarios is important for the development of sound policy, taking action based only on worst-case thinking can introduce unforeseen dangers and costs. We argue that a better approach to managing risk involves an assessment of the full portfolio of risks—those reduced by the proposed intervention, as well as those increased. We argue that decision makers developing counterterrorism measures need mechanisms to ensure that sensible risk analysis precedes precautionary actions. Such a mechanism currently exists to review and improve or reject proposed precautionary measures against health and environmental risks, but not, so far, for counterterrorism and national security policies. We urge the creation of such a review mechanism.
This survey provides an in-depth analysis of existing research on the economic analysis of terrorism and counter-terrorist measures. First the existing evidence on the causes of terrorism is analyzed, then we consider the evidence of the consequences of terrorism and we demonstrate why it is important to regarding of the issue of counter-terrorism policy. Moreover the survey presents the existing knowledge on the interrelation between the economy and the issue of security and it incorporates analysis the level of knowledge about the causal chains between security and the economy. Also it focuses on perspective and methodologies from the discipline of economics but also refers to research from related disciplines (sociology, political science). It also assembles the knowledge on the impact of terrorism on the economy as reflected in macro-economic variables and its impact on specific sectors. Furthermore it assesses how potential an actual terrorist event determine consumer and producer behaviour, public policy, as well as terrorist responses to these policies. Finally a European perspective on the terrorism security annexes is discussed and here we analyze the causes of terrorism in Europe.
This survey provides an in-depth analysis of existing research on the economic analysis of terrorism and counter-terrorist measures. First the existing evidence on the causes of terrorism is analyzed, then we consider the evidence of the consequences of terrorism and we demonstrate why it is important to regarding of the issue of counter-terrorism policy. Moreover the survey presents the existing knowledge on the interrelation between the economy and the issue of security and it incorporates analysis the level of knowledge about the causal chains between security and the economy. Also it focuses on perspective and methodologies from the discipline of economics but also refers to research from related disciplines (sociology, political science). It also assembles the knowledge on the impact of terrorism on the economy as reflected in macro-economic variables and its impact on specific sectors. Furthermore it assesses how potential an actual terrorist event determine consumer and producer behaviour, public policy, as well as terrorist responses to these policies. Finally a European perspective on the terrorism security annexes is discussed and here we analyze the causes of terrorism in Europe.
This article considers whether in the 'war against terrorism' national security is eroded or strengthened by weakening or removing the human rights of the individuals who constitute the polity. It starts with the view that national security is, at its most fundamental, founded upon the security and liberty of the person from criminal and violent acts, including terrorist attacks. Such attacks, and the individuals and groups who perpetrate them, constitute a grave threat to the peace and security of nations the world over and thus endanger the security and liberty of the individuals who make up their populations. Governments are therefore compelled to use the machinery of the state to protect the nation and the individual from these attacks. However, the paper is based on another, equally important, assumption. This is that the defence of national security requires individuals to be protected from the arbitrary exercise of state power even in situations where the state claims to be acting to protect national security and individual security against grave threats such as terrorist acts. The Rule of Law not only protects individuals from such an exercise of state power by protecting their human rights, in so doing it also protects the peace and security of the nation from excessive and unchecked state power. But what happens when the Rule of Law is overturned by governments declaring that they are protecting national security from the terrorist threat? Who or what is then able to protect the individual and the nation from the state? The paper will take up these important questions by considering the implications of the anti-terrorism legislation that has been introduced in Australia since September 2001. It will also make an assessment of whether Australia's national security has been enhanced or damaged by this legislation. Finally, the paper will briefly consider whether in fighting the war against terrorism the Rudd Labor Government, elected to office in November 2007, is likely to depart in any significant measure from the approach of its predecessor, the conservative Coalition Government led by Prime Minister John Howard.
A letter report issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "Pursuant to a congressional request, GAO reviewed five foreign countries' efforts to combat terrorism, focusing on: (1) how other governments are organized to combat terrorism; and (2) how they allocate their resources to combat terrorism."
My research question was: How do Brazilian Media Portray Religious Terrorism? The aim of this thesis was to analyse Brazilian media's articles and speeches related to the theme of religious terrorism and bring the findings more accessible to Finland and Europe. I collected several articles from Brazilian Internet news websites as well as few articles from foreign websites and analysed those articles using a mixed method of qualitative discourse analysis and content analysis. Discrepancies were found between Brazilian government's official position of Brazil being a terrorist free country while Wikileaks revealed that there are individuals acting and behaving like terrorists in Brazil. When arrested, those individuals were charged with other charges than terrorism, possibly to not attract media's attention to them. The articles written in Informal style varied from non emotional to strong emotional connoted, figures of speech such as metaphors metonymies, accismus were richly used. Towards the end, Arab culture in Brazil as well as fundamentalism and extremism religion movements in Islam were used as background to why Brazilian press portrays such image of terrorism. Brazilian journalists were divided; some alarmists warning of a near terrorism danger while others commenting that this is non sense. Brazil has a clear historical peaceful co-existence between different religious groups and has been so far not affected by bombings or anti-immigration feelings seen in other countries, making Brazil a good role model of integration and tolerance.
Entretien avec Jean François Daguzan ; National audience ; The concept of "Islamic terrorism" is probably the worst possible to explain the most serious but also the most badly analyzed tensions in world politics. The label "terrorism" is too often mobilised to disqualify the "violence of the other". Labelling "Islamic" such a violence fuels a propensity to "theologise" (and thus to occult the profane origins of) oppositions and resistances which, in the Muslim world, occur at a local, regional or international level. ; La notion de « terrorisme islamique » est sans doute la moins bonne possible pour désigner, si réelles soient-elles, les déchirures les plus graves du tissu politique mondial. Le label « terrorisme » sert trop souvent à disqualifier unilatéralement la violence de l'autre . L'appellation « islamique » nourrit une propension naturelle à « théologiser », et donc occulter la matrice profane des résistances et des oppositions internes, régionales ou internationales qui se manifestent dans le monde musulman.
