This article analyses the weaknesses of contemporary democratic orders which stem from the use of modern manipulation techniques employed by those who manage to win the trust for making the government in democratic elections. Contemporary democracies are under the threat of populist promises which are most often unrealistic. The combination of populism and democracy is usually a product of the powerlessness of political elites, i.e. political parties, in states to solve citizenry's most important problems – to increase the growth and development of the economic system, to introduce the rule of law, and to rehabilitate political institutions so they could rationally and efficiently function within the political system. Contemporary democracies are not equally developed, nor do they have equal chances for developing. The facts demonstrate how in many societies and states – formally oriented towards establishing a democratic governance and towards starting the democratisation of societal and political life – democracy gets misused and diminished to democratic phraseology with the help of populism, while in the institutional aspect being diminished to creating a façade of democratic institutions. It has been demonstrated that the patterns of dominance follow and are characteristic for democratic governances to a larger or smaller degree. The essence of democratic governance are politically responsible decisions, rather than mass participation in making political decisions which are not realistic, while being dangerous in terms of their consequences. Democracy means making good decisions for the benefit and good of all citizens, while hierarchy must not be challenged when it is necessary that institutions function in a rational and efficient way. Introducing equality where professionalism, competence and accountability are needed is devastating for the functioning of institutions, therefore for the functioning of democracy as well. Democracy can be tricked with the help of authorities'populism, as was the case with Nazi Germany. After Nazis took power, not all institutions of the Weimar Republic were dismantled nor challenged, nor was the Weimar Constitution changed. However – parallel to state authorities, Constitution and laws – dozens of new orders and laws were enacted, creating an illusion that nothing is changed in German state. What Nazis did was developing a new mechanism, party mechanism, parallel to the state mechanism. The two functioned next to each other. Such patterns lead to the parallelism of power and democracy, which usually led to the totalitarianisation of democracy. In contemporary states – especially those in the process of democratic transition – such parallelism shows how party leaders do not forfeit party leadership once they get elected to state offices. In that way democracies become submissive and captured by political parties, especially their leaderships and leaders. The relation of freedom and democracy has also been analysed. Experiences show that democracy is founded more successfully in places where people managed to gain their liberties, rather than in those places where democracy is yet to provide liberties to citizens. Dangers for democracy tied with the abuse of democratic conditions are being discusses in the last part of the article. Each condition necessary for the functioning of a democratic order can be simulated through manipulative ways. A special danger for contemporary democracies comes from circumstances in which those who come to power do everything so that society and state are riled by anti-political principles: indifference, fear and trepidation, and powerlessness. Anti-political principles jeopardise democratic order, and those who use them demolish democracy. Democracy is facing constant challenges and temptations for scraping democracy in the name of democracy.
After the termination of war confrontations, on the basis of the UN Security Council Decision, a protectorate had been established in Kosovo and Metohia, including the engagement of international security and civil forces. The order of interim administration ended in 2008, when the self-proclaimed Kosovo assembly adopted the decision on declaration of independence from the Republic of Serbia, and the process of administrative mandate transfer started from international to local institutions. In the paper, first of all, general performances of social and political life were delineated, and then the complex architecture of security forces active there during previous eleven years was presented. Also, all the most important problems Kosovo and Metohia faces are enumerated. The post-war Kosovo and Metohia may be characterized as a society in disorganization. The old system of institutions was destroyed, and a new one has not been established. The number of Serbs is decreasing, and local Albanians have not maturated for a self-administration of the newly established state. The further maintenance of this circumstances or even its deterioration might move towards social riots, caused by the bad living conditions, large unemployment, impoverishment of significant social groups or the escalation of attacks at remaining non-Albanian population, which could induce serious security threats in the region.
This doctoral dissertation confirmes possibilities of application of mathematical methods in the contemporary approach of decision making in development projects of cluster organizations in Serbia, as well as introduction of software application "MS Project" which ensure more effective and more efficient project management of cluster organization development, assessment of all project resources engaged and optimal forecast on the completion of the project implementation. Regarding the fact that this issue has not been sufficiently elaborated in Serbia, the main goal of the research was to clarify the role and significance of the mathematical methods, as well as to elaborate the theoretical models of multi-criteria analysis that can be successfully implemented in practice with the aim of identifying and solving problems in the development of cluster organizations in Serbia. The mode and level of topic elaboration is in compliance with the goal of theoretical and hypothetical research framework. Beside theoretical aspect the doctoral dissertation presents the application of the following methods of multi-criteria decision making: "ELECTRE" and "AHP", as well as the software application "MS Project" on data of cluster organization "Cluster House" in Nis.
Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmet bavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u kome su izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja. U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualni i metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi mogle biti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta i sloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju su kombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova i praksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnih samouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinih organizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkim problemima - Panĉeva i Bora. Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkog pokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa, kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristika osnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovor na pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da u Srbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakav je prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustva elemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno u zemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modela ekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime, za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉku dimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" po karakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnih reformi, drţava povukla. Pored nerazvijenosti konfliktne (politiĉke) dimenzije, ekološki treći sektor odlikuje i atomizovano delanje profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija, koje samo izuzetno (pod spoljnim pritiscima ili podsticajima) uspostavljaju fiziĉke veze (mreţe) meĊu sobom, dok se na planu kolektivnog identiteta razvija samo kognitivna dimenzija (formalno prihvatanje odreĊenih ekoloških vrednosti i naĉela koja ĉine sastavni deo ekološkog diskursa dominantnog na Zapadu). GraĊani, po pravilu, nisu ukljuĉeni u rad ovih organizacija, izuzev kao korisnici usluga. U trećem delu rada se razmatraju razlozi usled kojih ne dolazi do razvoja participativnog i/ili transakcionog ekološkog pokreta (aktivizma). Za potrebe objašnjenja nastanka specifiĉne hibridne forme ekološkog trećeg sektora, kreiran je sintetiĉki eksplanatorni model koji kombinuje elemente razvijene u okviru razliĉitih teorijskih pristupa fenomenu društvenih pokreta. Eksplanatorna shema je formulisana na sledeći naĉin: za pokretanje kolektivnog delanja i nastanak ekološkog pokreta neophodno da prethodno budu ispunjeni sledeći uslovi: potrebno je da postoji izvesno socijalno-konstruisano nezadovoljstvo (problem) kod većeg broja pojedinaca / profesionalnih zastupniĉkih organizacija (socijalno-konstruktivistiĉka reinterpretacija klasiĉnih pristupa); zatim, grupa pojedinaca koja oseća dati problem / zalaţe se za njegovo rešavanje, mora posedovati odreĊene resurse za pokretanje i odrţavanje 5 kolektivne akcije (pristup teorije mobilizacije resursa); šire okruţenje treba da bude relativno povoljno kako bi nagovestilo mogućnost pozitivnog ishoda aktivnosti koja se ţeli realizovati (pristup strukture politiĉkih mogućnosti), a vrednosni okvir na takav naĉin podešen da usmerava na delanje predstavnike profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija i / ili neposredno ugroţenu populaciju (nezadovoljne) i (eventualno) širi krug podrţavalaca (pristup Novih društvenih pokreta). Na proces formiranja ekološkog pokreta, kroz ĉetiri neposredna faktora (socijalna-konstrukcija ekoloških rizika, dostupnost i karakteristike resursa, struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti, vrednosni sistem),indirektno deluju širi društveni procesi - postsocijalistiĉka transformacija i evropeizacija srpskog društva, kao i ĉinioci duţeg trajanja ((pred)socijalistiĉko nasleĊe). Testiranje postavljenih eksplikativnih hipoteza je pokazalo da ni jedan od uslova neophodnih za formiranje ekološkog pokreta, nije delimiĉno ili u potpunosti zadovoljen. Postojeći ekološki problemi su dominantno odreĊeni u kategorijama niskog rizika i male vaţnosti u odnosu na druga društvena pitanja, usled ĉega je i njihov podsticajni kapacitet za kolektivnu (re)akciju bitno sniţen. Pored toga, vladajuće shvatanje prema kome u ekološkoj modernizaciji leţi rešenje za gotovo sve ekološke probleme, pokazuje se kao ĉinilac koji nepovoljno utiĉe na graĊanski aktivizam, jer upućuje na pasivno išĉekivanje uvoĊenja obećanih mehanizama odrţivog razvoja. Većini graĊana na raspolaganju stoji vrlo ograniĉena koliĉina resursa, usled ĉega, u velikom broju sluĉajeva, oni odustaju od uĉešća u ekološkim akcijama. Ekološke organizacije, takoĊe, imaju poteškoća da obezbede neophodne resurse za rad, a dodatni problem predstavlja i naĉin njihove mobilizacije, usled kojeg gube samostalnost postajući zavisne od stranih izvora finansiranja. Kao posledica, ekološko delanje je atomizovano, a rivalitet i konflikti unutar ekološkog civilnog sektora, naglašeni; ekološke mreţe se teško formiraju i odrţavaju, kolektivni identitet je slab (nad njim prevagu odnose partikularni interesi), a kritiĉko delovanje ekoloških organizacija, nerazvijeno. Struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti se, uprkos postojanju relativno povoljnog zakonskog okvira, pokazuje zatvorenom prema uĉešću graĊana u donošenju odluka. GraĊani percipiraju predstavnike vlasti kao neprijemĉive za njihove potrebe, što se nepovoljno odraţava na njihovu spremnost da se organizuju i pokušaju da nametnu svoje zahteve. S druge strane, ekološke organizacije su iskljuĉene iz procesa odluĉivanja i svedene na ulogu asistenata u podizanju kapaciteta drţave za sprovoĊenje programa u oblasti zaštite ţivotne sredine. Konfliktno delanje organizacija je ograniĉeno, s jedne strane, time što ne dobijaju podršku moćnih aktera (meĊunarodne ekološke organizacije, strani donatori), a sa druge, finansijskim uslovljavanjem od strane drţavnih struktura. Karakteristike kulturološkog konteksta se, takoĊe, pokazuju nepovoljnim za razvoj ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji. Dominacija materijalistiĉkog sistema vrednosti i s njim povezano visoko vrednovanje ekonomskog razvoja, koje u senci ostavlja ekološke probleme, negativno utiĉe na ekološko aktiviranje graĊana. Ipak, uprkos preteţno materijalistiĉkoj vrednosnoj orijentaciji, graĊanima su vrlo bliske vrednosti Nove ekološke paradigme. MeĊutim, od naĉelnog prihvatanja vrednosti karakteristiĉnih za ovu paradigmu do aktivnog delanja, u kontekstu materijalne oskudice, put je dug i vrlo neizvestan. Zakljuĉno poglavlje je posvećeno rezimiranju i diskusiji empirijskih nalaza, kao i razmatranju širih implikacija nerazvijenosti ekološkog pokreta na zaštitu ţivotne sredine u Srbiji. ; he environmental movement in Serbia, in the context of post-socialist transformation and the EU integration process. The paper consists of three major parts and the concluding chapter. In the first part a comparative - historical, contextual, conceptual and methodological framework of the research is developed, as a starting point for the further analyses. In order to capture all relevant dimensions of the complex phenomenon of environmental movement and the composite set of factors that influence its emergence and development, the study is using a combination of different methodological techniques: a survey of attitudes and practices based on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (N = 1952) and local government representatives (N = 232), in parallel with the semi-structured interviews with representatives of non-governmental organizations (N = 44), and the two case studies of communities with serious environmental problems – the municipalities of Pancevo and Bor. The second part contains the description and analysis of individual elements of the environmental movement: environmental activists, environmental groups / organizations, environmental networks, collective identity and environmental conflicts. Based on a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the key elements of environmental movement, the concluding chapter of this part of the paper offers an answer to the question - is there an environmental movement in Serbia? The main research finding is that participatory type of environmental movement that is typical for the Western countries has not been formed in Serbia. There are even no indications of the existence of significant elements of transactional environmental activism (movement), that is present in the countries of Central Europe. Instead, we are witnessing the development of a distinct model of collective environmental action that we have named "the third environmental sector". Different from the participative and transactional activism which have an emphasized political dimension, the nature of the activities of the third sector organizations is mostly "non-political", aimed at providing services in those areas that the state has withdrew from, in the context of neo-liberal reforms. In addition to the underdeveloped conflict/political dimension, the environmental third sector is characterized by atomized actions of professional environmental organizations, which establish physical connections (networks) among themselves only as an exception (under external pressures or incentives), while at the level of collective identity only the cognitive dimension is being developed (the formal acceptance of the environmental values and principles which form an integral part of the environmental discourse dominant in the West). Citizens, as a rule, are not included in the work of these organizations, except as users of services. In the third part, the reasons for the absence of the participatory and / or transactional environmental movement (activism) are discussed. In order to explain the emergence of the specific hybrid form of the environmental third sector, a synthetic explanatory model was established, combining elements developed within different social movement theories. The explanatory scheme has been formulated as follows: for the launch of collective action and the emergence of the environmental movement certain conditions are necessary to be met - a certain level of socially-constructed 8 dissatisfaction (problem) needs to be generated in large numbers of individuals / professional advocacy organizations (social constructivist reinterpretation of classical approaches); then, a group of individuals who perceive the problem / advocates for its solution must possess appropriate resources to initiate and sustain a collective action (the Resource Mobilization Theory approach); the wider context should be relatively favorable as to suggest the possibility of a positive outcome of the action (the Political Opportunities Structure approach); the value framework should be set up in such a way to initiate the action of professional environmental organizations and / or the directly affected population, and possibly also of a wider circle of supporters (the New Social Movements approach). Through the four direct factors (social – construction of environmental risks, the availability and characteristics of resources, the structure of political opportunities, the value system), the process of development of the environmental movement is indirectly affected by wider-scale social processes – the post-socialist transformation and Europeanization of Serbian society, as well as by the factors of longer duration ((pre-) socialist heritage).The testing of the set of explicative hypotheses showed that the necessary pre-conditions for the formation of the environmental movement in Serbia have neither been fully, nor even partially met. In comparison with other issues, the existing environmental problems are dominantly defined in the terms of low-risk and low-importance, due to which their capacities to induce collective (re)action are significantly reduced. In addition, the prevailing concept of environmental modernization, presented as a solution to almost all environmental problems, proves to be a factor that adversely affects civic activism, as it leads to passive anticipation of the promised introduction of mechanisms for sustainable development. Since the majority of citizens have access only to very limited resources, they, in many cases, tend to give up their participation in environmental actions. Environmental organizations also face difficulties in obtaining necessary resources for their operation. An additional problem lies in the way resources are being mobilized: becoming increasingly dependent on foreign funding, organizations tend to lose their autonomy. As a result, the environmental action is atomized and rivalries and conflicts within the environmental civil society accentuated; environmental networks are difficult to establish and maintain and the collective identity is weak (due to domination of particular interests); the conflictual dimension of environmental organizations remains undeveloped. Despite the relatively favorable legal framework, the structure of political opportunities seems closed to the participation of citizens in the decision-making process. Citizens perceive government representatives as unresponsive to their needs, which negatively affects their readiness to act in an organized way and to attempt to impose their demands. On the other hand, environmental organizations are excluded from the decision-making process and reduced to the assisting role in the capacity building of the state bodies for the implementation of programs in the field of environmental protection. Conflicting action of such organizations is limited, on the one hand by the lack of support from powerful actors (international environmental organizations, international donors), and on the other - by the financial preconditions imposed by the state authorities. The characteristics of the cultural context also appear to be unfavorable for the development of the environmental movement in Serbia. The dominance of the materialistic value system and the related high priority attributed to the economic 9 growth, leaves the environmental problems on the margins, thus negatively affecting the environmental activation of citizens. However, despite the predominantly materialistic value orientation, the values of the New environmental paradigm are very familiar to the citizens. Still, in the context of material insecurity, the road from the general acceptance of such values to active action towards reaching them, is long and very uncertain. The concluding chapter is devoted to summarizing and discussing the empirical findings, as well as to considerations of implications of the under-developed environmental movement to the overall state of environmental protection in Serbia.
Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstupostsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmetbavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u komesu izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja.U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualnii metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi moglebiti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta isloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju sukombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova ipraksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnihsamouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinihorganizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkimproblemima - Panĉeva i Bora.Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkogpokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa,kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristikaosnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovorna pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da uSrbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakavje prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustvaelemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno uzemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modelaekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime,za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉkudimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" pokarakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnihreformi, drţava povukla. ...
Rad pokušava objasniti objektivnu razliku između državnog saveza i saveza država kao oblika federativnog odnosno konfederativnog uređenja odnosa među članicama, odnosno distingvirati između sintagmi statusa države i državnog statusa te uputiti na nužnost razlikovanja ustavnog kontinuiteta koji postoji u uslovima kad država ne mijenja status države i ustavnog diskontinuiteta kad dolazi do preobražaja državnog statusa određenog državnog subjekta. Na primjerima istorijskih i savremenih oblika unija, kroz istorijsku se dinamiku postojanja unija pokazuje da nijedna unija nije mogla niti može pretendovati da apsorbuje osnovne atribute članice/a, država, koje ječine. Ključna pitanja koja se obrađuju sa gledišta savremenog konstitucionalizma u odnosu na teorijski pojam unije su pitanja ustavnog diskontinuiteta do koga dolazi izlaskom članica unije iz njenog sastava, kao i posljedično tome međunarodnog priznanja i osamostaljenja članica unije. ; The paper attempts to explain the objective difference between a state union and a union of states as the respective forms of federative and confederative systems of government. It tries to distinguish between the expressions status of a country and state status and to point out the necessity of distinguishing between constitutional continuity that exists when a country does not change its status and constitutional discontinuity when the state status of a country is changed. The historical and contemporary examples of unions show that no union could have aspired or can aspire to absorb the basic features of its member state(s). The key issues, dealt with from the aspect of contemporary constitutionalism and theoretical idea of a union, are the issues of constitutional discontinuity that occurs when member state(s) decide to leave the unio n, form independent state(s) and demand international recognition
Jedno od osnovnih svojstava posebnih bezbednosnih problema, ali i zadataka kojima se oni rešavaju predstavlja složenost. U zavisnosti od osnovih obeležja složenosti posebnih bezbednosnih problema i zadataka, kao odgovora na njih, primenjuju se odgovarajuće koncepcije složenosti. Radi se o logičkoj, teoretsko-informacionoj, algoritamskoj, teoretsko-množinskoj i statističkoj koncepciji. U zavisnosti od primenjene koncepcije složenosti varira struktura procesa odlučivanja o načinu angažovanja snaga određenih za rešavanje konkretnog posebnog bezbednosnog problema, kao i ishodi tog procesa. S tim u vezi, postavlja se pitanje posledica izbora odredjenje koncepcije složenosti na proces i ishod odlučivanja u uslovima rešavanja posebnih bezbednosnih problema. Značaj odgovora na ovo pitanje je u pravilnom shvatanju koncepcija složenosti i njihovog uticaja na odlučivanje povodom rešavanja posebnih bezbednosnih problema. Odgovorom na ta pitanja olakšaće se edukacija u oblasti bezbednosnog menadžmenta s jedne strane i primena stečenih znanja u toj oblasti, s druge strane. ; One of the basic characteristics of special security problems, as well as the tasks with which they are solved is their complexity. Depending on the basic characteristics of the complexity of special security problems and tasks, as responses to them, adequate complexity concepts are implemented. This refers to logical,theoretical-information, algorithm, theoretically multiple and statistical concept. Depending on the implemented complexity concept, the structure of the decision-making process varies regarding the method of engaging the forces determined for the solving of concrete special security problem, as well as the outcomes of this process. Thus, there is the question about the consequences of the selection of certain complexity concepts for the process and outcome of decision-making in the conditions of solving special security problems. The significance of the answer to this question is in proper understanding of the concepts of complexity and their influence on the decision-making regarding solving of special security problems. The answer to this question will facilitate the education in the field of security management on the one hand and implementation of the acquired knowledge in this field, on the other hand. ; Book of papers / 4th International Conference "Crisis management days", 25 - 26 May 2011, Velika Gorica, Croatia
The author constrasts the normativity of Europe with the center-periphery issue. He argues that the normativity of Europe has been challenged by the center-periphery problem. In the first part of the article, the author discusses the normativity of Europe and proposes a new concept – embeded normativity. In the second part, he presents several theories on the center-perifery relations and stresses the relevance of structural assymetries. In the third part, Central and Eastern Europe is compared to Latin America in three historic sequences. The last part is a summary of the arguemts and their relevance for the present crisis that can be understood as an ensemble of structural and systemic tendencies. ; U članku se kontrastira normativnost Evrope sa problematikom centar/periferija. Tvrdi se da je normativnost Evrope izazvana pomenutom problematikom. Shodno tome, u prvom delu se razmatraju elementi normativnosti u Evropi i pokušava se promisliti kategorija utkane normativnosti. U drugom delu se tretiraju teorije o odnosima između centra i periferije, te naglašava se relevantnost teorija koje artikulišu strukturalne asimetrije. U trećem delu se logikom komparativne metode stavljaju u odnos postignuća Srednje i Istočne Evrope i Latinske Amerike, i tematizuje se analitička relevantnost pomenute komparacije s obzirom na tri izabrane istorijske sekvence. U poslednjem delu se rezimira izvedena argumentacija s obzirom na sadašnju krizu i pokazuje da se reperiferijalizacija krize može razumeti kao sklop između strukturalnih i sistematskih tendencija.
Konvergencija dohodaka je više od polovine veka predmet mnogih teorijskih i empirijskih istraživanja. Brojni istraživači su posvetili veliku pažnju ovom pitanju na koje, do sadašnjeg trenutka, ne postoji jasan odgovor, niti jedinstven rezultat. Iako je strana literatura bogata radovima čiji je predmet istraživanja konvergencija dohodaka među zemljama Evropske unije, kao i uticaj različitih faktora na konvergenciju dohodaka, u domaćoj literaturi ova oblast nije dovoljno istražena. Osim toga, još uvek je mali broj radova koji se bave ispitivanjem postojanja i brzine konvergencije dohodaka između zemalja Evropske unije i zemalja Zapadnog Balkana. S tim u vezi, predmet doktorske diseratcije je dohodovna konvergencija zemalja Zapadnog Balkana i članica Evropske unije u kontekstu evropske ekonomske integracije. Cilj istraživanja u doktorskoj disertaciji je da se pruži odgovor na pitanje da li postoji konvergencija dohodaka među zemljama Evropske unije. Takođe, cilj istraživanja je utvrđivanje razlike u brzini konvergencije dohodaka između razvijenih zemalja Evropske unije, s jedne strane, i Novih zemalja članica Evropske unije i zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, s druge strane. Pored toga, cilj istraživanja u doktorskoj disertaciji je i utvrđivanje faktora koji utiču na konvergenciju dohodaka. Rezultati empirijske analize pokazuju postojanje dohodovne konvergencije među zemljama Evropske unije. Osim toga, dokazano je da Nove zemlje članice Evropske unije i zemlje Zapadnog Balkana, s jedne strane, imaju bržu konvergenciju dohodaka od grupe razvijenih zemalja Evropske unije. Analizom smera i intenziteta delovanja različitih faktora na konvergenciju dohodaka, dobijeni su rezultati koji ukazuju na pozitivan uticaj bilateralne trgovine na dohodovnu konvergenciju, pozitivan uticaj stranih direktnih investicija na dohodovnu konvergenciju centralnoevropskih tranzicionih zemalja u pretkriznim godinama, kao i pozitivan uticaj prisutnosti ekonomskih sloboda u godinama posle Globalne ekonomske krize. Reformski procesi nisu pokazali snažan i kontinuiran uticaj na dohodovnu konvergenciju centralnoevropskih tranzicionih zemalja. ; Income convergence has been the subject of many theoretical and empirical research for more than half a century. Many researchers devoted great attention analyzing income convergence among countries. However, there is still no clear answer, nor a unique result about this topic. Although foreign literature has vast number of papers that examine income convergence among the European Union countries, as well as the effect of various factors on income convergence, this field has not been sufficiently explored in domestic literature. In addition, there is still a small number of papers that test the existence and speed of income convergence between the developed countries of the European Union and the Western Balkan States. In this regard, the subject of the doctoral dissertation is income convergence of the Western Balkan States and European Union member states in the context of European economic integration. The aim of the research in the doctoral dissertation is to determine the existence of income convergence among the European Union countries. Also, the aim of the research is to determine the difference in the speed of income convergence between developed countries of the European Union, on the one hand, and New Member States and Western Balkan States, on the other. In addition, the aim of the research is to determine factors that affect income convergence. The results of the empirical analysis show the existence of income convergence among European Union countries. The results also show higher speed of income convergence of Western Balkan States and New Member States, compared to developed European Union members, depending on the observed subperiod. By analyzing the direction and intensity of various factors on income convergence, results indicate positive impact of bilateral trade, positive impact of foreign direct investment in the pre-crisis years, and positive effect of presence of economic freedom in the years after Global economic crisis. Reform processes haven't shown a strong and continuous effect on income convergence of Central European transition countries.
If we take political economy to be concerned with the way a society satisfies its needs, we would expect that an account of Marx's critique of political economy of art should begin with a critique of the way a need for art is perceived within capitalistic production relations. We will try to provide a sketch of such a critique in this paper, taking various accounts of the place and role of art within a system of human needs as a context in which art works and artistic creation are connected with categories of commodity, production, labour, market etc. Then we will turn to an account of human needs, provided by Agnes Heller, that are not limited to political economy and aim to show that the need for art is properly located within that system of "non-alienated" needs and human self-determination. ; Ako znamo da politička ekonomija proučava način na koji društvo zadovoljava svoje potrebe, očekivali bismo da će prikaz Marxove kritike političke ekonomije umjetnosti krenuti od kritike načina na koji se potreba za umjetnošću percipira unutar kapitalističkih proizvodnih odnosa. U ovom radu pokušat ćemo skicirati takvu kritiku, uzimajući različite prikaze položaja i uloge umjetnosti u sustavu ljudskih potreba kao kontekst u kojem su umjetnička djela i stvaralaštvo povezani s kategorijama robe, proizvodnje, rada, tržišta itd. Zatim ćemo se okrenuti prikazu ljudskih potreba kako ih vidi Agnes Heller, a koje nisu ograničene na političku ekonomiju, i pokušati pokazati da je potreba za umjetnošću s pravom smještena u sustav "neotuđenih" potreba i ljudskog samoodređenja.
Cilj ovog članka je višestruk. U prvom delu se diskutuje o konceptu regulatornih agencija, koje spadaju u grupu nemajoritarnih institucija (non-majoritarian institutions; u daljem tekstu NMI): kada i zašto nastaju, koja je njihova uloga, i sa kojim problemima se suočavaju. Potom se analiziraju regulatorna tela u Srbiji. Fokus je na sledećem aspektu - nezavisnosti ovih institucija: pojašnjavamo različite vidove nezavisnosti i ukazujemo na konceptualne nejasnoće. Zatim računamo tzv. formalnu (de jure) nezavisnost regulatornih i kontrolnih tela u Srbiji koristeći se Đilardijevim indeksom (Gillardi 2002, 873-893). Rezultati pokazuju da regulatorna tela u Srbiji poseduju visok nivo formalne nezavisnosti. S obzirom na to da je ona samo preduslov za tzv. faktičku (bihejvioralnu) nezavisnost, neophodan je oprez prilikom donošenja ocene o statusu regulatornih institucija u Srbiji. Da bi se konceptualizovao i izmerio bihejvioralni aspekt nezavisnosti, neophodni su dalji radovi koji će se susresti s većim metodološkim ograničenjima. ; The article discusses the concept of regulatory agencies: when and why they arise, what is their role, and what kind of challenges they face. Analyzing a group of regulatory agencies in Serbia, the article measures their de-jure independence using Gillardi's index. The conclusion is that, viewed through the lenses of formal institutional design, Serbian regulatory agencies exhibit a high degree of independence. However, this might be further mediated by insufficient or hindered enforcement. Therefore, in order to account for a full picture of the agencies' institutional life, in the first place their de-facto independence, one needs to reflect on what some theories of Europeanization drew attention to – to what extent have the regulatory agencies resorted to their formally granted powers and mechanisms in practice. Such an exploration of enforcement would be a step further in accounting for the genuine agencies' level of independence.
radu se analiziraju vrednosne orijentacije studenata. U istraživanju u kome su učestvovali studenti (N=635) Univerziteta u Rijeci primenjena je anketa. Glavna teza teorije modernizacije jeste da se promene u socioekonomskoj sferi društva reflektiraju na njegov sistem vrednosti. Zato u savremenim društvima slabe tradicionalne a jačaju moderne i postmoderne vrednosti. Specifičnost bivših socijalističkih društava odnosi se na to da je u njima, nakon protivrečnog procesa polumodernizacije, došlo do intenzivnog procesa retradicionalizacije. Tranzicija mlade generacije u odraslo doba događa se u konkretnom društvenom kontekstu za koji je karakterističan "sukob" suprotstavljenih vrednosti. Stoga je važno ispitati koje društvene vrednosti mladi prihvataju. Najpre se to odnosi na studentsku populaciju, s obzirom na to da je to resurs iz kog će se u budućnosti regrutovati društvena elita. U radu se problematizuju sledeća pitanja: U kojoj meri suprotstavljeni procesi modernizacije i retradicionalizacije društva ostavljaju traga na vrednosne orijentacije studenata? U kojoj meri se stavovi studenata razlikuju s obzirom na socijalne karakteristike njihovih porodica? Statistička obrada je obuhvatila univarijatnu, bivarijatnu i multivarijatnu analizu. Rezultati pokazuju da većina studenata prihvata postmoderne vrednosti (multikulturnost), a vrlo malo njih prihvata tradicionalne vrednosti (klerikalizam i etnocentrizam). Utvrđena je veza između tradicionalnih vrednosnih orijentacija i konzervativnih porodičnih obrazaca. S tim u vezi je zaključak da su rezultati u saglasnosti sa hipotezom o liberalizujućem efektu obrazovanja. ; This paper analyses the students' value orientations based on the survey conducted at the University of Rijeka (N=635). The main thesis of the theory of modernization is that changes in the socioeconomic sphere of society generate changes in its predominant value system. Therefore, in the modern societies, the weakening of the traditional and the strengthening of modern and postmodern values can be observed. This was particularly noticeable in the ex-socialist societies whose social and political transitions were generally followed by the process of intensive retraditionalization. The transition of younger generation to adulthood is taking place in the specific context of the postsocialist and post-war transformation of a society, which is characterized by the "clash" of opposing social values. Therefore, it is important to explore which social values are embraced by the young people. This is particularly important in the context of student population, because many of them will become representatives of the future social elites. The paper seeks to address the following questions: To what extent the opposing processes of modernization and re-radicalization of post-socialist societies effects students' expectance of different value orientations? To what extent different family backgrounds effect students' adoption of traditional, modern or postmodern values? Data analysis was carried out through univariate, bivariate and multivariate statistical procedures. The results of our research show that students chiefly support the postmodern values (multiculturalism) and chiefly do not support the traditional values (clericalism and ethnocentrism). Furthermore, the analysis has established a link between students' orientation to traditional values and existence of conservative patterns in their family background. The findings of our research support the main hypothesis of the theory of liberalizing effect of education. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa
Борба против корупције спада у најважније задатке сваког друштва и државе, због чега се предузимају бројне активности усмерене у правцу адекватне превенције и сузбијања корупције. Најзначајније активности посвећене су изградњи свеобухватног нормативног оквира у борби против корупције, дефинисању корупције, инкриминацији коурптивних дела, успостављању специјализованих органа за борбу против корупције и изградњи оперативних и техничких капацитета тих органа у циљу успешне борбе против корупције. Мада појам корупције још увек није на јединствен начин дефинисан, корупција се може одредити као злоупотреба овлашћења ради личнекористи. Имајући у виду чињеницу да корупција води осиромашењу друштва и државе и губитку поверења грађана у демократске институције, Република Србија је донела нови Закон о организацији и надлежности државних органа у сузбијању организованог криминала, тероризма и корупције, којим су прописана коруптивна кривична дела и предвиђена је специјализација државних органа ради кривичног гоњења и суђења за та кривична дела. Такође, овим законом прописано је увођење финансијске форензике, службеника за везу са Тужилаштвом за организовани криминал и посебним одељењима за сузбијање корупције и формирање ударних група при надлежним тужилаштивма, а све у циљу успешног истраживања и доказивања коруптивних кривичних дела. У раду су представљени резултати рада Посебног одељења за сузбијање корупције при Вишем јавном тужилаштву у Београду у првој години рада, односно анализирана су: коруптивна кривична дела која су процесуирана, практична имплементација нових законских одредаба којима се унапређује истраживање и доказивање коруптивних кривичних дела и број судски окончаних поступака. Посебно је указано на одређене недостатке у законским решењима који отежавају ефикасну борбу против корупције. ; The fight against corruption is the overriding task of every society and state because of which many activities are undertaken that are directed towards adequate prevention and suppression of corruption. The most important activities are dedicated to building comprehensive normative framework in the suppression of corruption, through defining corruption, incrimination of the corruption offenses, establishment of specialized state bodies for the suppression of corruption and defining operational and technical capacities of these bodies in order to successfully fight against corruption. Although the concept of corruption has not yet been uniquely defined, corruption can be defined as abuse of power for private gain. Bearing in mind the fact that corruption leads to impoverishment of the society and state and loss of citizens` confidence in democratic institutions, the Republic of Serbia adopted the new Law on Organisation and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organised Crime, Terrorism and Corruption that prescribes corruptive criminal offenses and foresees specialization of state bodies in order to prosecute and try such criminal offenses. Also, the law provides for the establishment of financial forensics units, connecting officials within the Prosecutor`s Office for Organised Crime and the Special Department of the Public Prosecutor`s Offices for the Suppression of Corruption and establishment of task forces within mentioned Public Prosecutor`s Offices, in order to successfully investigate and prove corruptive criminal offenses. Since more than one year has passed from the beginning of the application of this law, we will present the work results of the Special Department for the Suppression of Corruption within the Higher Public Prosecution Office in Belgrade. Therefore, in this paper we will analyse: corruptive criminal offenses prosecuted during the first year; practical implementation of the new legal provisions which improve investigation and proving of corruptive criminal offenses and the number of court-terminated proceedings. Special attention will be paid to cooperation between specialized bodies for the suppression of corruption. In addition to the practical application analysis of the Law on Organisation and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organised Crime, Terrorism and Corruption focusing on the example of the Special Department for the Suppression of Corruption in Belgrade, we will point out certain deficiencies in the legal provisions that make it difficult to efficiently fight against corruption.
In the essence, the problem of eco-economic (economic and environmental) development is reduced to the problem of choosing concrete protection mechanisms and measurement heights achieved economic, and environmental, social and institutional (sustainable) development. This opens up the question of measuring the economic problems, but also each other prosperity of society, because they set goals, benchmarks and parameters to be taken into account are different, depending on what needs to be done measuring the degree of development. This mechanism of measuring economic development, set 30-s of the 20 th century, more and more often is criticized modern economists such as Joseph Stiglitz, who report that in the modern global business development of the country should be measured by a broader set of indicators. For these reasons, the European Commission in cooperation with the European Parliament, the OECD, the Club of Rome and the World Wide Fund (WWF), in 2007. organized International Conference - Beyond GDP Conference. In this sense, in addition to GDP, significant measures have been introduced for economic development and other indicators of well-known as an Enlarged GDP. The aim of this paper is to present the fundamental differences between GDP and GDP Enlarged indicators in calculation methodology that takes into consideration and certain other elements apart from consumption, investment and export levels. .
Rad istražuje ulogu i doprinos razvojne pomoći u procesu programiranja i implementacije pravosudne reforme u Srbiji od 2002. do 2012. godine. Pojam razvojne pomoći u ovom radu obuhvata donacije i projektnu pomoć međunarodnih partnera u širem smislu, što obuhvata kako međunarodne organizacije tako i razvojne agencije i/ili programe stranih država. Pod pravosudnom reformom rad primarno podrazumeva postizanje nezavisnosti pravosuđa u čijoj je osnovi stručnost nosilaca pravosudne funkcije. Stoga, posebno mesto u istaživanju zauzima jedinstveni slučaj transformacije Pravosudne akademije od projekta do državne institucije u funkciji osnaživanja kriterijuma stručnosti. Osnovna hipoteza rada je da je uspešnost reforme pravosuđa uslovljena primenom kriterijuma stručnosti u izboru, vrednovanju i napredovanju nosilaca pravosudne funkcije. Sprovedeno istraživanje potvrđuje hipotezu i donosi zaključak da nije postignut značajan uspeh u reformi pravosuđa u Srbiji. Utvrdili smo da su stagnaciji reforme doprineli, u jednakoj meri, s jedne strane, međunarodni partneri nekoherentnim pristupom programiranju reforme, a s druge, nacionalni partneri u Srbiji nedostatkom stvarne potražnje za reformom. Sadejstvom ovih razvojnih partnera u primeni tehnika izomorfne mimikrije i preuranjenog opterećenja došlo se do mešovitog rezultata - kapaciteti pravosuđa u Srbiji su u izvesnoj meri uvećani ali nezavisnost suda nije. Rad na osnovu ovih nalaza daje preporuke za unapređenje programiranja i realizaciju reforme pravosuđa kao što su koherentni strateški mehanizmi, koordinacija razvojnih partnera i depolitizacija reformskog procesa. ; The study explores the role and contribution of development assistance within the process of programming and implementation of judicial reform in Serbia from 2002 to 2012. The notion of development assistance, according to the study, includes donations and project assistance from international partners in a wider sense such as from international organizations, development agencies and/or bilateral assistance. The study defines judicial reform as the independence of the judiciary, which is based on the competency of judges and prosecutors. Thus, special attention is given to the unique case of the transformation of the Judicial Academy from a project to a state institution with the mandate to enhance the competency criteria and the merit based system for judges and prosecutors. The basic hypothesis of the study is that the success of judicial reform is conditioned by the application of competency criteria in the appointment, evaluation and career advancement of judges and prosecutors. The research confirms the hypothesis and leads to the conclusion that the judicial reform in Serbia did not achieve significant successes. It concludes that both the international and national partners contributed equally to the stagnation of the judicial reform process. While international partners applied incoherent approaches, through their reform programming, the national partners exercised a lack of genuine reform demand and commitment. The joint actions of these development partners in the implementation of techniques of isomorphic mimicry and the premature load bearing led to mixed results – the capacity of the judiciary in Serbia has been increased to a certain extent, but the independence of the judiciary has not been reached. The study, based on these conclusions provides recommendations for the improvement of programming and implementation of judicial reform such as through a coherent strategic programming mechanism, coordination of development partners and depolarization of the reform process.
