Suchergebnisse

Historical land use records are valuable information for biodiversity protection, disaster management, rural area planning and many other uses. The Rapid Survey Maps (RSM) that were surveyed in the 1880' s (early Meiji Era), are the first modern cartographical map series of Japan and important sources of information on traditional land use in early modern Japan. We had been analyzing these maps based on polygon data and raster based Web-GIS System to disseminate the Rapid Survey Maps using FOSS4G, but, these are difficult to apply for quantitative analyses of land use change. Thus, we developed a grid based land use database using QGIS and PostGIS, and published the database using GitHub. First, we developed a land use data input system consisting of a client and server. The client was developed using QGIS API and the server was a PostGIS database. Point data as a 100 m grid was stored in the PostGIS server and land use category underneath each point was input using the QGIS application. About 1,400 thousand records (70%) have already been inputted. Error of grid based land use data is less than 1% compared with vector based land use data. We analyzed land use change from the 1880' s to 1975' s. The most significant difference between the 1880' s and 1970' s is the area of urban land use and " rough land" such as grassland and bush. Urban area increased remarkably and grassland area almost disappeared. That does not mean grassland changed to urban area. Most grassland changed to agricultural land uses and forest, and urban area was formerly mainly agricultural land use and forest. Some inputted data have been copied to GeoJSON and uploaded to GitHub as open data (Creative Commons BY 2.1 Japan). A tentative data browsing site was constructed with Leaflet. In this site, it is possible to compare point type land use data in the 1880' s and present topographic map/RSM raster data. We hope that this database contributes to not only academic research, but also business, government, and public interest.

International audience ; In the 19th century, immigration offenses have a mainly ex post immigration regulatory function, mostly punishing vagrants and beggars, whose integration is considered a failure. The apparition of specific foreigner measures at the end of the 1880's, the non-respect of which soon leads to a trial in a tribunal correctionnel, does not however fundamentally changes the "repressive regime" inherited from the 19th century. The discrepancy appearing during the 1880's-1890's is less related to repression than to legal order. Immigration becomes a question strictly related to the sovereign power and falls under the administration's jurisdiction only, without any legal guarantees. This gradual empowerment of foreigners as a legal category, following a process neither unquestioned nor linear, finally leads to the 1938 decree-laws. These decree-laws designed a worsened repressive regime towards foreigners deemed "undesirable" and therefore created a specific law for foreigners which is not being derogatory from the common law in the strict sense of the term but could be labelled as an "exceptional common law". The blurring of borders within the political order that can be seen in 1938 shows how justice can be at the boundary between the law that ties and limits power and the concrete wielding of the State's strength.

International audience ; In the 19th century, immigration offenses have a mainly ex post immigration regulatory function, mostly punishing vagrants and beggars, whose integration is considered a failure. The apparition of specific foreigner measures at the end of the 1880's, the non-respect of which soon leads to a trial in a tribunal correctionnel, does not however fundamentally changes the "repressive regime" inherited from the 19th century. The discrepancy appearing during the 1880's-1890's is less related to repression than to legal order. Immigration becomes a question strictly related to the sovereign power and falls under the administration's jurisdiction only, without any legal guarantees. This gradual empowerment of foreigners as a legal category, following a process neither unquestioned nor linear, finally leads to the 1938 decree-laws. These decree-laws designed a worsened repressive regime towards foreigners deemed "undesirable" and therefore created a specific law for foreigners which is not being derogatory from the common law in the strict sense of the term but could be labelled as an "exceptional common law". The blurring of borders within the political order that can be seen in 1938 shows how justice can be at the boundary between the law that ties and limits power and the concrete wielding of the State's strength.

International audience ; In the 19th century, immigration offenses have a mainly ex post immigration regulatory function, mostly punishing vagrants and beggars, whose integration is considered a failure. The apparition of specific foreigner measures at the end of the 1880's, the non-respect of which soon leads to a trial in a tribunal correctionnel, does not however fundamentally changes the "repressive regime" inherited from the 19th century. The discrepancy appearing during the 1880's-1890's is less related to repression than to legal order. Immigration becomes a question strictly related to the sovereign power and falls under the administration's jurisdiction only, without any legal guarantees. This gradual empowerment of foreigners as a legal category, following a process neither unquestioned nor linear, finally leads to the 1938 decree-laws. These decree-laws designed a worsened repressive regime towards foreigners deemed "undesirable" and therefore created a specific law for foreigners which is not being derogatory from the common law in the strict sense of the term but could be labelled as an "exceptional common law". The blurring of borders within the political order that can be seen in 1938 shows how justice can be at the boundary between the law that ties and limits power and the concrete wielding of the State's strength.

International audience ; In the 19th century, immigration offenses have a mainly ex post immigration regulatory function, mostly punishing vagrants and beggars, whose integration is considered a failure. The apparition of specific foreigner measures at the end of the 1880's, the non-respect of which soon leads to a trial in a tribunal correctionnel, does not however fundamentally changes the "repressive regime" inherited from the 19th century. The discrepancy appearing during the 1880's-1890's is less related to repression than to legal order. Immigration becomes a question strictly related to the sovereign power and falls under the administration's jurisdiction only, without any legal guarantees. This gradual empowerment of foreigners as a legal category, following a process neither unquestioned nor linear, finally leads to the 1938 decree-laws. These decree-laws designed a worsened repressive regime towards foreigners deemed "undesirable" and therefore created a specific law for foreigners which is not being derogatory from the common law in the strict sense of the term but could be labelled as an "exceptional common law". The blurring of borders within the political order that can be seen in 1938 shows how justice can be at the boundary between the law that ties and limits power and the concrete wielding of the State's strength.

International audience ; In the 19th century, immigration offenses have a mainly ex post immigration regulatory function, mostly punishing vagrants and beggars, whose integration is considered a failure. The apparition of specific foreigner measures at the end of the 1880's, the non-respect of which soon leads to a trial in a tribunal correctionnel, does not however fundamentally changes the "repressive regime" inherited from the 19th century. The discrepancy appearing during the 1880's-1890's is less related to repression than to legal order. Immigration becomes a question strictly related to the sovereign power and falls under the administration's jurisdiction only, without any legal guarantees. This gradual empowerment of foreigners as a legal category, following a process neither unquestioned nor linear, finally leads to the 1938 decree-laws. These decree-laws designed a worsened repressive regime towards foreigners deemed "undesirable" and therefore created a specific law for foreigners which is not being derogatory from the common law in the strict sense of the term but could be labelled as an "exceptional common law". The blurring of borders within the political order that can be seen in 1938 shows how justice can be at the boundary between the law that ties and limits power and the concrete wielding of the State's strength.

International audience ; In the 19th century, immigration offenses have a mainly ex post immigration regulatory function, mostly punishing vagrants and beggars, whose integration is considered a failure. The apparition of specific foreigner measures at the end of the 1880's, the non-respect of which soon leads to a trial in a tribunal correctionnel, does not however fundamentally changes the "repressive regime" inherited from the 19th century. The discrepancy appearing during the 1880's-1890's is less related to repression than to legal order. Immigration becomes a question strictly related to the sovereign power and falls under the administration's jurisdiction only, without any legal guarantees. This gradual empowerment of foreigners as a legal category, following a process neither unquestioned nor linear, finally leads to the 1938 decree-laws. These decree-laws designed a worsened repressive regime towards foreigners deemed "undesirable" and therefore created a specific law for foreigners which is not being derogatory from the common law in the strict sense of the term but could be labelled as an "exceptional common law". The blurring of borders within the political order that can be seen in 1938 shows how justice can be at the boundary between the law that ties and limits power and the concrete wielding of the State's strength.

This article addresses the relationship between war and peace in the frontier of the La Plata region during the period between circa 1775 and 1880. Like other frontier spaces in Spanish-America during this period, the La Plata region constituted a type of open violent space, lacking distinct periods of war during an era of apparently continuous, war-like power relations. Under these circumstances, "post-war order" was an undefined idea. Instead, over decades "war" and "peace" co-existed under various forms of local political orders. These systems were contentious and contested, they were ambiguous, and they competed with other political endeavours, which were conceptualised in hegemonic terms, bringing state-centric ideas of political systems into the local arena. These orders shall be the focus of this analysis.

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo mostrar y analizar las relaciones fronterizas entre indígenas, cronistas, viajeros y agentes del gobierno de Buenos Aires en el período de 1870 a 1880. Se prestará especial atención a las vinculaciones entre estos "mundos" a partir de los viajes que realizó Moreno a los toldos del cacique Valentín Sayhueque y su comunidad en las regiones aledañas al Lago Nahuel Huapi. No se descarta la influencia de otros cronistas de época (Cox y Musters) como tampoco la impronta de personajes centrales en el contexto (Zeballos y Roca). Los viajeros que recorrieron la Patagonia dejaron testimonios claves para comprender el proceso que se dio entre las sociedades indígenas y el Estado nacional argentino a fines del siglo XIX. Su análisis a través de una mirada crítica da la pauta de cómo las sociedades nativas fueron observadas y estudiadas desde el gobierno de Buenos Aires y países extranjeros. La actual Patagonia fue un punto de atracción (y lo sigue siendo), para muchos individuos que no conocen el lugar. Su naturaleza, paisaje, vegetación eran únicos y muy atractivos. Sus tierras eran habitadas por sujetos que no tenían las mismas formas de vida que el resto de las regiones del momento. Habían desarrollado costumbres, formas de comunicación, comercio e intercambio, relaciones sociales, festividades. Cronistas como Francisco Moreno son nodales para adentrarnos al mundo nativo desde otro ángulo, ya que nos muestra las relaciones en el espacio de frontera y los propósitos del gobierno de Buenos Aires en el momento de las campañas militares. Desde el punto de vista metodológico se ha recurrido a la Etnohistoria para abordar nuestro problema desde una óptica diferente y alimentando la investigación en curso. ; This paper aims to show and analyze border relations between indigenous chroniclers , travelers and agents of the government of Buenos Aires in the period from 1870 to 1880. Special attention to the links between these "worlds" it will be paid from travel Moreno realized that the cacique Valentin Sayhueque awnings and communities in the surrounding regions of Lake Nahuel Huapi. The influence of other chroniclers of time (Cox and Musters ) nor the imprint of central characters in the context ( Zeballos and Roca) is not ruled out. Travelers who toured Patagonia left key testimony to understand the process that occurred between indigenous societies and the Argentine national state in the late nineteenth century. Their analysis through a critical look sets the tone of how native societies were observed and studied from the government of Buenos Aires and foreign countries. The current Patagonia was an attraction (and still is), for many individuals who do not know the place. Nature, landscape, vegetation were unique and very attractive. Their lands were inhabited by subjects who did not have the same life forms than other regions of the moment. They had developed customs, forms of communication, trade and commerce, social relations, festivities. Writers like Francisco Moreno are nodal to delve into the native world from another angle, as it shows the relationship in space frontier and purposes of the government of Buenos Aires at the time of military campaigns. A methodological level has resorted to Etnohistory to address our problem from a different perspective and fueling ongoing investigation. ; Dossier: Los indígenas y las versiones sobre el pasado. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo mostrar y analizar las relaciones fronterizas entre indígenas, cronistas, viajeros y agentes del gobierno de Buenos Aires en el período de 1870 a 1880. Se prestará especial atención a las vinculaciones entre estos "mundos" a partir de los viajes que realizó Moreno a los toldos del cacique Valentín Sayhueque y su comunidad en las regiones aledañas al Lago Nahuel Huapi. No se descarta la influencia de otros cronistas de época (Cox y Musters) como tampoco la impronta de personajes centrales en el contexto (Zeballos y Roca). Los viajeros que recorrieron la Patagonia dejaron testimonios claves para comprender el proceso que se dio entre las sociedades indígenas y el Estado nacional argentino a fines del siglo XIX. Su análisis a través de una mirada crítica da la pauta de cómo las sociedades nativas fueron observadas y estudiadas desde el gobierno de Buenos Aires y países extranjeros. La actual Patagonia fue un punto de atracción (y lo sigue siendo), para muchos individuos que no conocen el lugar. Su naturaleza, paisaje, vegetación eran únicos y muy atractivos. Sus tierras eran habitadas por sujetos que no tenían las mismas formas de vida que el resto de las regiones del momento. Habían desarrollado costumbres, formas de comunicación, comercio e intercambio, relaciones sociales, festividades. Cronistas como Francisco Moreno son nodales para adentrarnos al mundo nativo desde otro ángulo, ya que nos muestra las relaciones en el espacio de frontera y los propósitos del gobierno de Buenos Aires en el momento de las campañas militares. Desde el punto de vista metodológico se ha recurrido a la Etnohistoria para abordar nuestro problema desde una óptica diferente y alimentando la investigación en curso. ; This paper aims to show and analyze border relations between indigenous chroniclers , travelers and agents of the government of Buenos Aires in the period from 1870 to 1880. Special attention to the links between these "worlds" it will be paid from travel Moreno realized that the cacique Valentin Sayhueque awnings and communities in the surrounding regions of Lake Nahuel Huapi. The influence of other chroniclers of time (Cox and Musters ) nor the imprint of central characters in the context ( Zeballos and Roca) is not ruled out. Travelers who toured Patagonia left key testimony to understand the process that occurred between indigenous societies and the Argentine national state in the late nineteenth century. Their analysis through a critical look sets the tone of how native societies were observed and studied from the government of Buenos Aires and foreign countries. The current Patagonia was an attraction (and still is), for many individuals who do not know the place. Nature, landscape, vegetation were unique and very attractive. Their lands were inhabited by subjects who did not have the same life forms than other regions of the moment. They had developed customs, forms of communication, trade and commerce, social relations, festivities. Writers like Francisco Moreno are nodal to delve into the native world from another angle, as it shows the relationship in space frontier and purposes of the government of Buenos Aires at the time of military campaigns. A methodological level has resorted to Etnohistory to address our problem from a different perspective and fueling ongoing investigation ; Fil: Stefanelli, Lia Sofía. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario. Investigaciones Socio-Históricas Regionales. Centro de Estudios de Historia Regional - Nodo Cehir - Ishir; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Patagonia Norte; Argentina

In this work we examine the battles for the presidential succession in 1880. The link between war and politics in the light of some concepts developed by Michel Foucault allow us to reflect on the political and factional violence component associated to the political disputes. Traditional historiography has ignored the examination of the considerations on the definition of the military faculties of the political actors of the period. In this study the war in 1880 is linked to the policy before and after the revolutionary trance, as part of disputes about legal definitions of military power and its relation to the future of the National State. ; En este trabajo se examinan las batallas por la sucesión presidencial en la Argentina de 1880 a partir de la vinculación entre la guerra y la política. A la luz de algunos conceptos elaborado por Michel Foucault nos hemos permitido reflexionar sobre la política facciosa y su componente de violencia asociado a las disputas políticas. Buena parte de la historiografía tradicional ha pasado por alto las consideraciones sobre la definición de las facultades militares realizadas por los propios actores políticos del período. En este estudio se vincula la guerra de 1880 con la política antes y después del conflicto armado, como parte de las disputas acerca de las definiciones legales del poder militar y su relación con el futuro del Estado Nacional. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

En este trabajo se examinan las batallas por la sucesión presidencial en la Argentina de 1880 a partir de la vinculación entre la guerra y la política. A la luz de algunos conceptos elaborado por Michel Foucault nos hemos permitido reflexionar sobre la política facciosa y su componente de violencia asociado a las disputas políticas. Buena parte de la historiografía tradicional ha pasado por alto las consideraciones sobre la definición de las facultades militares realizadas por los propios actores políticos del período. En este estudio se vincula la guerra de 1880 con la política antes y después del conflicto armado, como parte de las disputas acerca de las definiciones legales del poder militar y su relación con el futuro del Estado Nacional. ; In this work we examine the battles for the presidential succession in 1880. The link between war and politics in the light of some concepts developed by Michel Foucault allow us to reflect on the political and factional violence component associated to the political disputes. Traditional historiography has ignored the examination of the considerations on the definition of the military faculties of the political actors of the period. In this study the war in 1880 is linked to the policy before and after the revolutionary trance, as part of disputes about legal definitions of military power and its relation to the future of the National State. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

We'll study how the body can be promoted in the libertarian education both as an object and also as a means at the turn of the 19Th and 20Th centuries. After focusing on educational projects at the time of the International Workingmen's Association (IWA), we realized that it might be necessary to go back to the early 19th century to understand how and when this renewed interest for body education emerged again, mostly in France. In this regard, from our perspective, both Charles Fourier's theory and positivism appear to be determining in the anarchist approach. Consequently, we'll then present a number of relevant schools such as the Prevost Orphanage in Cempuis headed by Paul Robin between 1880 and 1894. We'll then show the utmost importance of this educational institution, which inspired numbers of schools including The "École libertaire" project, the Dugardin Orphanage in Brussels, The Escuela Moderna in Barcelona, the Ferrer Colony of Stelton, the Ferrer School in Lausanne, "La Ruche" and the "Avenir social" in France. At last, we'll examine the link between body and politics in pedagogy and the fact that this interest in the body shows that a politicized body is at stake. We then present anarchist propaganda's media such as naturism, renewal of Malthusianism and freedom of movement in school. Finally it appears quite necessary to relocate these somewhat forgotten theoretical quarrels through Foucault's theory of biopolitics, a most appropriate and ultimate tool to better understand these still contemporary issues. ; Il est ici question de la place du corps en tant qu'objet d'éducation, mais aussi en tant que moyen d'éducation dans le mouvement libertaire au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles. Après avoir examiné les projets contemporains de la fondation de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, le cadrage du sujet et la compréhension des questions qu'il soulève nécessitent de reculer dans le temps pour saisir comment et quand cet intérêt renouvelé pour l'éducation du corps est apparu en France. Il nous apparait alors nécessaire de traiter de l'apport du fouriérisme et de la détermination positiviste du regard que les libertaires ont porté sur le corps. Aussi, dans un deuxième temps, nous nous attachons à présenter certaines de ces écoles ou milieux scolaires, notamment l'Orphelinat Prévost de Cempuis sous la direction de Paul Robin, entre 1880 et 1894. Nous mettons en évidence le rôle central de cette institution qui a eu valeur de modèle pour nombre de réalisations ultérieures, notamment l'École libertaire, l'Orphelinat Dugardin, la Escuela Moderna, la Ferrer Colony de Stelton, l'École Ferrer de Lausanne, La Ruche et l'Avenir social. Enfin, nous consacrons un troisième temps plus réflexif à l'examen du lien unissant le corps à la politique, et aux enjeux pédagogiques qui en découlent, mettant en évidence que toute politique du corps fait du corps un objet politique. Nous examinons de quelle manière se sont déployés les vecteurs de propagande libertaire liés à l'éducation du corps et par le corps que sont le néomalthusianisme, la liberté de mouvement, le naturisme, etc. Enfin, une analyse prenant en compte la biopolitique foucaldienne montre toute l'actualité de ces combats.

We'll study how the body can be promoted in the libertarian education both as an object and also as a means at the turn of the 19Th and 20Th centuries. After focusing on educational projects at the time of the International Workingmen's Association (IWA), we realized that it might be necessary to go back to the early 19th century to understand how and when this renewed interest for body education emerged again, mostly in France. In this regard, from our perspective, both Charles Fourier's theory and positivism appear to be determining in the anarchist approach. Consequently, we'll then present a number of relevant schools such as the Prevost Orphanage in Cempuis headed by Paul Robin between 1880 and 1894. We'll then show the utmost importance of this educational institution, which inspired numbers of schools including The "École libertaire" project, the Dugardin Orphanage in Brussels, The Escuela Moderna in Barcelona, the Ferrer Colony of Stelton, the Ferrer School in Lausanne, "La Ruche" and the "Avenir social" in France. At last, we'll examine the link between body and politics in pedagogy and the fact that this interest in the body shows that a politicized body is at stake. We then present anarchist propaganda's media such as naturism, renewal of Malthusianism and freedom of movement in school. Finally it appears quite necessary to relocate these somewhat forgotten theoretical quarrels through Foucault's theory of biopolitics, a most appropriate and ultimate tool to better understand these still contemporary issues. ; Il est ici question de la place du corps en tant qu'objet d'éducation, mais aussi en tant que moyen d'éducation dans le mouvement libertaire au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles. Après avoir examiné les projets contemporains de la fondation de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, le cadrage du sujet et la compréhension des questions qu'il soulève nécessitent de reculer dans le temps pour saisir comment et quand cet intérêt renouvelé pour l'éducation du corps est apparu en France. Il nous apparait alors nécessaire de traiter de l'apport du fouriérisme et de la détermination positiviste du regard que les libertaires ont porté sur le corps. Aussi, dans un deuxième temps, nous nous attachons à présenter certaines de ces écoles ou milieux scolaires, notamment l'Orphelinat Prévost de Cempuis sous la direction de Paul Robin, entre 1880 et 1894. Nous mettons en évidence le rôle central de cette institution qui a eu valeur de modèle pour nombre de réalisations ultérieures, notamment l'École libertaire, l'Orphelinat Dugardin, la Escuela Moderna, la Ferrer Colony de Stelton, l'École Ferrer de Lausanne, La Ruche et l'Avenir social. Enfin, nous consacrons un troisième temps plus réflexif à l'examen du lien unissant le corps à la politique, et aux enjeux pédagogiques qui en découlent, mettant en évidence que toute politique du corps fait du corps un objet politique. Nous examinons de quelle manière se sont déployés les vecteurs de propagande libertaire liés à l'éducation du corps et par le corps que sont le néomalthusianisme, la liberté de mouvement, le naturisme, etc. Enfin, une analyse prenant en compte la biopolitique foucaldienne montre toute l'actualité de ces combats.

We'll study how the body can be promoted in the libertarian education both as an object and also as a means at the turn of the 19Th and 20Th centuries. After focusing on educational projects at the time of the International Workingmen's Association (IWA), we realized that it might be necessary to go back to the early 19th century to understand how and when this renewed interest for body education emerged again, mostly in France. In this regard, from our perspective, both Charles Fourier's theory and positivism appear to be determining in the anarchist approach. Consequently, we'll then present a number of relevant schools such as the Prevost Orphanage in Cempuis headed by Paul Robin between 1880 and 1894. We'll then show the utmost importance of this educational institution, which inspired numbers of schools including The "École libertaire" project, the Dugardin Orphanage in Brussels, The Escuela Moderna in Barcelona, the Ferrer Colony of Stelton, the Ferrer School in Lausanne, "La Ruche" and the "Avenir social" in France. At last, we'll examine the link between body and politics in pedagogy and the fact that this interest in the body shows that a politicized body is at stake. We then present anarchist propaganda's media such as naturism, renewal of Malthusianism and freedom of movement in school. Finally it appears quite necessary to relocate these somewhat forgotten theoretical quarrels through Foucault's theory of biopolitics, a most appropriate and ultimate tool to better understand these still contemporary issues. ; Il est ici question de la place du corps en tant qu'objet d'éducation, mais aussi en tant que moyen d'éducation dans le mouvement libertaire au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles. Après avoir examiné les projets contemporains de la fondation de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, le cadrage du sujet et la compréhension des questions qu'il soulève nécessitent de reculer dans le temps pour saisir comment et quand cet intérêt renouvelé pour l'éducation du corps est apparu en France. Il nous apparait alors nécessaire de traiter de l'apport du fouriérisme et de la détermination positiviste du regard que les libertaires ont porté sur le corps. Aussi, dans un deuxième temps, nous nous attachons à présenter certaines de ces écoles ou milieux scolaires, notamment l'Orphelinat Prévost de Cempuis sous la direction de Paul Robin, entre 1880 et 1894. Nous mettons en évidence le rôle central de cette institution qui a eu valeur de modèle pour nombre de réalisations ultérieures, notamment l'École libertaire, l'Orphelinat Dugardin, la Escuela Moderna, la Ferrer Colony de Stelton, l'École Ferrer de Lausanne, La Ruche et l'Avenir social. Enfin, nous consacrons un troisième temps plus réflexif à l'examen du lien unissant le corps à la politique, et aux enjeux pédagogiques qui en découlent, mettant en évidence que toute politique du corps fait du corps un objet politique. Nous examinons de quelle manière se sont déployés les vecteurs de propagande libertaire liés à l'éducation du corps et par le corps que sont le néomalthusianisme, la liberté de mouvement, le naturisme, etc. Enfin, une analyse prenant en compte la biopolitique foucaldienne montre toute l'actualité de ces combats.