Suchergebnisse

Vse od snovanja Ustanovne listine Organizacije združenih narodov (OZN) je bilo sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami predmet različnih razprav. Razprava med univerzalizmom in regionalizmom je bila, vsaj za nekaj časa, rešena v obliki VII. in VIII. poglavja Ustanovne listine OZN. Rezultat tega je bila primarna vloga Varnostnega sveta pri odzivih na vprašanja mednarodnega miru in varnosti. A razvoj dogodkov na tem področju zahteva vedno večjo vključenost regionalnih organizacij. Magistrsko delo je bilo osredotočeno na potencial, ki ga ima mehanizem hibridnih mirovnih misij na nadaljnje sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. Glavni prispevek magistrskega dela leži v analizi razmerja med OZN in Afriško unijo (AU) pri hibridni misiji Organizacije združenih narodov in Afriške unije v Darfurju (United Nations - African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur – UNAMID), ki predstavlja prvo hibridno misijo v zgodovini. V več kot desetih letih svojega delovanja je imela mnogo težav, ki sta jih organizaciji večinoma premagali. Tako lahko skozi analizo uspeha misije sklepamo o potencialu tega tipa misije za nadaljnje sodelovanje med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. Zaradi togosti mehanizmov OZN hibridne misije predstavljajo najboljšo možnost sodelovanja – vse dokler OZN ne ustvari mehanizmov, ki bi predstavljali večjo komplementarnost sodelovanja med OZN in regionalnimi organizacijami. ; Since the drafting of the United Nations (UN) Charter, co-operation between the UN and regional organizations in the field of international peace and security has been subject to intense debates. The debate between universalism and regionalism was, for the time being, resolved in the form of Chapters VII. and VIII. of the UN Charter. This compromise resulted in the Security Council being at the forefront of responses in matters of international peace in security for some five decades. But recent developments in the field of international peace and security have exposed the need for greater involvement of regional organizations. This master thesis is focused on the potential of a hybrid type of peace operations for future co-operation between the UN and regional organizations. The value of the research lies in its analysis of the relationship between the African Union and the UN in the United Nations - African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), the first-ever hybrid peace operation. In more than ten years of its deployment, UNAMID has been plagued by problems that both organizations have had to overcome. In that regard, through the analysis of the success of UNAMID, we can draw conclusions regarding the potential that this type of peace operation has on the future co-operation between the UN and regional organizations. Until the UN develops better complementarity mechanisms for co-operation with regional organizations, hybrid missions represent the best way of co-operation.

Pri izpolnjevanju svoje primarne naloge ohranjanja mednarodnega miru in varnosti, ki mu jo nalaga Ustanovna listina Organizacije združenih narodov, Varnostni svet Združenih narodov deluje predvsem v okviru II. in III. stebra odgovornosti zaščititi. Nabor ukrepov, ki jih pri tem uporablja, je kljub temu, da je Varnostni svet edini organ, ki lahko zakonito po VII. poglavju Ustanovne listine odobri izjemo od splošne prepovedi uporabe sile, bistveno širši od gole uporabe sile, ki je bila brez privolitve države doslej odobrena le enkrat, leta 2011 v Libiji. Hipoteza naloge je, da potencial, ki ga odgovornost zaščititi ponuja pri reševanju kompleksnih kriznih situacij, ki lahko vodijo k množičnim grozodejstvom, ni docela izkoriščen zaradi nepopolnega uveljavljanja, ki je predvsem posledica blokade Varnostnega sveta zaradi uporabe veta stalnih članic. Izziv so tudi različne razlage njegovih resolucij, ki so že večkrat privedle do očitkov, da izvajalci resolucij slednje izrabljajo z namenom menjave režima v posameznih državah. Zaradi hudih posledic neaktivnosti z vetom blokiranega Varnostnega sveta, kar se kaže zlasti v primeru Sirije, so se kot alternativne možnosti delovanja mednarodne skupnosti v situacijah, kjer je uporabljiva odgovornost zaščititi, pojavile delovanje preko Generalne skupščine Združenih narodov na podlagi resolucije ˝Združeni za mir˝, regionalnih organizacij (denimo po vzoru Afriške unije) ter intervencija ad hoc koalicij. Ker nobena od navedenih možnosti ne ponuja primerne alternative odločitvi Varnostnega sveta, sta se v okviru odgovornosti neuporabe veta oblikovali dve pobudi za reformo odločanja v Varnostnem svetu, ki predlagata vzdržanje stalnih članic od uporabe veta v primerih štirih grozodejstev, vendar je njuna uspešnost vprašljiva, saj zaenkrat nobena od njiju nima podpore vseh petih stalnih članic. ; Authorized by the Charter of the United Nations, the United Nation Security Council fulfills its primary task of maintaining international peace and security by acting primarily within Pillars II and III of the Responsibility to Protect. Despite the fact, that the Security Council is the only body entitled to legally authorize an exception to the general prohibition of the use of force, this is only one of many measures it can adopt. In fact, the use of force against the will of a state has only been carried out once, in 2011 in Libya. The hypothesis of the present thesis is that the potential that the Responsibility to Protect offers in addressing crisis situations that could lead to mass atrocities is not fully utilized due to a blockage imposed by a veto from a permanent member state. The rising reproaches that those carrying out the resolutions exceed their mandates by changing the regimes in some states also represent a great challenge. This is caused by different interpretations of the language of the resolutions. Due to major consequences of the Security Council's inactiveness, as seen primarily in Syria, some suggestions of alternative actions that could be taken by the international community include acting through the United Nations General Assembly and its ˝Uniting for Peace˝ resolution, regional organizations (following the example of the African Union) and intervention by ad hoc coalitions. Since none of the mentioned possibilities represent a suitable alternative to a decision of the Security Council, two petitions in light of the Responsibility not to Veto have arisen. They suggest the permanent members abstain from the use of veto in the cases of four mass atrocities. Their success, however, is questionable, since neither has so far obtained the support from all five permanent members.

Engl. Zsfassungen

Sistemi organizacije državne oblasti se razlikujejo po načinu delitve oblasti, organih, ki so nosilci te oblasti ter njihovih medsebojnih odnosih. Parlamentarni sistem, ki je uveljavljen tudi pri nas, temelji na načelu delitve oblasti. Organi državne oblasti med seboj sodelujejo, se nadzorujejo, med njimi pa je z namenom preprečitve zlorabe oblasti vzpostavljen sistem zavor in ravnovesij. V moderni demokraciji med strankami na volitvah vedno poteka tekma za čim višje število glasov, zmago na volitvah in prevzem oblasti. Zmagovalna večina se poveže ter oblikuje vlado, stranke, ki niso članice koalicijske večine, pa čakajo na svojo priložnost na naslednjih volitvah. Vendar mora biti njihov glas vseeno slišan, saj odločitve večine postanejo tudi odločitve manjšine, ki mora zato imeti možnost vpliva na sprejemanje odločitev, poleg tega je pomembna tudi možnost nadzora dela koalicijske večine in izvršilne veje oblasti, v ta namen pa ima opozicija na voljo različne instrumente nadzora. Opozicija ima možnost uporabe svojih sredstev na različnih področjih, v okviru zakonodajne, volilne ter nadzorne funkcije Državnega zbora. Nosilec izvršilne oblasti je v parlamentarnih sistemih vlada, ki je parlamentu odgovorna za svoje delo, brez njegove podpore pa ne more delovati. Parlament, znotraj njega zlasti tudi opozicija, ima na voljo več instrumentov nadzora nad delom vlade, najpomembnejši so poslansko vprašanje, interpelacija in konstruktivna nezaupnica. Nesoglasja med parlamentom in vlado lahko privedejo do politične krize, v končni posledici pa tudi do razpustitve parlamenta in novih volitev. Obstaja več različic parlamentarnega sistema, razlikujejo pa se po načinu oblikovanja, sestavi in delovanju vlade. Naša ureditev se zgleduje po nemškem modelu, pri čemer pa v smeri skupščinske ureditve od njega odstopa v nekaterih pomembnih elementih. Predvsem je tu mišljeno imenovanje ministrov s strani Državnega zbora ter s tem povezani instrumenti, ki povečujejo individualno odgovornost posameznih ministrov v razmerju do Državnega zbora, kar je neskladno z modernimi parlamentarnimi sistemi, ki poznajo predvsem kolektivno odgovornost vlade. Taka ureditev relativizira pomen instituta konstruktivne nezaupnice, ki smo ga sprejeli iz nemškega modela. Zaradi naše neučinkovite ureditve bi bile smiselne ustavne spremembe, kar je zaznal tudi Državni zbor, saj je skupina poslancev predlagala spremembo ustavnih določb, ki se nanašajo na oblikovanje Vlade, v odzivu na ta predlog pa je nastal še predlog Strokovne skupine, ki je predlog poslancev analizirala. Ta naloga obravnava predlagani spremembi Ustave, predlog poslancev in predlog Strokovne skupine, s poudarkom na učinke predlaganih sprememb na položaj opozicije. Poleg tega so v nalogi predstavljene tudi nekatere druge možne spremembe Ustave, ki se nanašajo na način oblikovanja Vlade. Vsak predlog spremembe Ustave našo veljavno ureditev približuje določeni podvrsti parlamentarnega sistema. Pred sprejetjem kakršnekoli spremembe Ustave je torej vredno razmisliti, kateri ureditvi se želimo približati in kakšen vpliv na našo trenutno ureditev bi imel sprejem določene spremembe Ustave. ; The systems of state authority differ in the way they separate powers, branches of power that are holders of the power and their relations. The parliamentary system, which is established also in Slovenia, is based on the principle of separation of powers. The branches of state authority collaborate with each other and control the work of one another. The system of checks and balances is set up to prevent the abuse of power. In the modern democracy there has always been a race to get as many votes as possible, win the elections and take over the power among parties in the elections. The majority that wins is united and forms the Government, while parties that are not members of the majority coalition wait for their opportunity in the next elections. However, their voice has to be heard, because the decisions of majority become the decisions of minority as well, that is why they have to have an impact on decision-making. Besides, the possibility of supervision over the part of the majority coalition and the executive branch is important, for this purpose the opposition has different instruments of supervision. The opposition has a possibility of the use of its means on various areas, within the legislative, electoral and supervisory functions of Parliament. The government, which answers to the parliament for its work, but without its support cannot work properly, is the holder of the executive body in the parliamentary systems. The Parliament, and within it, also in particular the opposition, has several instruments for controlling the work of the Government, the most important are parliamentary question, interpellation and constructive vote of no confidence. Disagreements between the Parliament and the Government can lead to the political crisis and ultimately to the dissolution of the Parliament and new elections. There are several variants of parliamentary system, they differ in the way of forming, structure and working of the Government. Our system follows the German model's example, but as far as assembly is concerned, it differs in some important elements. This mainly refers to the appointment of ministers coming from the National Assembly and instruments referring to it. These instruments are increasing individual responsibility of individual ministers in relation to the National Assembly and that is inconsistent with modern parliamentary systems which are familiar with collective responsibility of the Government in particular. Such system relativizes the meaning of the institute of constructive vote of no confidence which is based on the German's model. Constitutional changes would be logical due to our ineffective system, this was also noticed by our National Assembly. The group of members of the Parliament proposed a change for constitutional provisions which refer to the forming of the Government. In response to this proposal, the Professional group, which analysed the proposal of the members of the Parliament, formed another one. This master's thesis deals with the proposed change of the Government, the proposal of members of the Parliament and the proposal of the Professional group, with emphasis on the effects of proposed changes regarding the position of the opposition. The thesis also presents some of the other possible constitutional changes that refer to the way of forming the Government. Each proposal of the constitutional change brings about our valid system to get closer to the certain category of the parliamentary system. It is worth considering which system is better and what kind of effect would passing a certain constitutional change cause, before even considering constitutional changes of any kind.