Suchergebnisse

The Light Transport Unit of the Croatian Legion (Legione Croata Autotransportabile) was a unit of the Croatian Legion which fought with the Italian army on the Eastern Front in World War II. The unit was trained in Croatia from July to December, 1941. After being equipped in Italy in Riva del Garde from December 1941 to March 1942, the Unit was deployed in the East as part of the Italian Expeditionary Corps (Corps di spedizione italiano in Russia C.S.I.R), and after July, as part of the Italian 8th Army as truppa di armata (armoured troops). The unit took part in the battles on the Don from April until December 1942, when it together with a large part of the Italian 8th Army was destroyed by the Russian offensive well known in the annals of the War as the Battle of Stalingrad. (SOI : CSP: S. 203)

There have been a number of philosophical, legal and political concepts dealing with the issue of peace. The most famous discourse on the topic of peace is undoubtedly Kant's writing "Perpetual Peace" not only for the cogency of its ideas but also for the applicability of the majority of them in practice, particularly in terms of collective security. Kant's starting point was that peace is a rational and moral imperative of human nature, realized solely through human efforts. Though written two hundred years ago, his ideas have found acolytes in the post-coldwar period since they are, to a large extent, considered as emancipatory. Kant finds the guarantees for the realization of peace in the moral doctrine and thus rejects the use of force in the creation of peace. The relations among states are based on cooperation, not competition so that some elements of his project are reminiscent of the solutions applied in the system of collective security. The author looks into the viability of Kant's ideas in the post-coldwar period. (SOI : PM: S. 69)

The author deals with "the three definite articles" of Kant's text "Towards the perpetual peace", their inner logic and their interdependence. Peace in the world can only be achieved if the constitution is republican, if the relations among the states are based on federalness and if the right of the citizen of the world is secured. The author highlights the importance and the novelty of the right which belongs to a person as a citizen of the world, and not only as a citizen of a particular state. (SOI : PM: S. 13)

The history of nuclear energy, as one of the possible ways out of energy crisis and the transition into the post-oil period is analysed Since its discovery, nuclear energy has been used for military purposes and consequently shrouded in mystery and volatility. The coalition formed during World War II found the new legitimacy for the continuation of nuclear power use via its programme "Atoms for Peace". The atomic bomb has evolved into atoms for peace, a complementary means by which the USA have been trying to secure global domination through nuclear technology. The programme has not achieved its objectives, although external conditions should have warranted that. (SOI : PM: S. 260)

On the occasion of the bicentennial of the publication of Kant's "Treatise on perpetual peace", the author attempts to evoke and actualize that classic of modern philosophy of politics. According to Hajo Schmidt, the strong point of Kant's concept was his realism which prevented him from slipping into intellectual, utopian idealization of human nature and political relations among people. Having in mind not only the rational but also irrational aspects of human nature, i.e. the insuperable chasm between good and evil, Kant in that respect offers edifying peacemaking propositions. This he achieves by advocating the concepts of free individuals, independent national states and the cosmopolitan unity of humankind. These three moments make up the content of Kant's concept of republicanism. Their identity and plurality are the foundations of the world peace. (SOI : PM: S. 18)

At the end of 1944 NDH was in a very difficult military and political position. Not only were strong Tito's Partisan forces operating on its territory, but at the same time Soviets and Partisans occupied Serbia and advanced to the eastern border of NDH. This was the reason for the NDH authorities to reorganise their existing armed forces, and also to organise a nation-wide mobilisation. This organization, which was under control of the civilian authorities, was intended to be filled with men not serving in the armed forces and women. Its main purpose was to help war efforts with various labor activities (agricultural works, construction of fortifications). There were also plans to create armed units of people's defence, but NDH was short of infantry weapons even for its armed forces, so these plans were never materialized. Because of the difficult military situation, people's defence units were never organized in most parts of the NDH. At the same time NDH armed forces organized the People's Uprising Corps under the command of general Metzger. This unit, which was much more effective than the people's defence, was active in Slavonia, Srijem and northern Bosnia and filled with around 40 000 civilians living in that area. Its main duties were agricultural works on farms abandoned by their owners (Volksdeutsche) who were evacuated to the Third Reich, repairment of roads, construction of field fortifications, guard duties, etc. (SOI : CSP: S. 49)

The maintenance of peace and stability in the post-cold-war world in the circumstances of cooperation and partnership requires an appropriate approach and manner of resolving the crises triggered off by the collapse of communist federations. Imperial policies and regimes must be eliminated while the process of the geopolitical consolidation and the creation of independent and sovereign states in Central and Eastern Europe (and in Euro-Asia on the whole), built around the democratic and market principles, must be wrapped up. The new political leaders (mostly leftist) in the countries that for over fifty years (and now through the Kosovo crisis) have been developing the trans-Atlantic alliance within the military-political framework of NATO (based on the same values, principles, and goals), are now developing appropriate strategies for the post-cold-war hotspots (based on the accumulated experiences). (SOI : S. 89) + The author analyses the process of democratisation of international relations and the future configuration of international order following the end of the era of bipolar confrontation and the establishment of cooperation in the world which has witnessed the change in the key actors' roles regarding their approach to the resolution of the post-cold-war crises which jeopardise the world's peace and stability. First, the author provides a short outline of the genesis of the evolution of the US foreign policy, from the end of World War II to the beginning of the cold war and the formation of NATO. He points out that today's agenda of the international order, its structures, interventionism, and use of force in achieving political objectives, were already shaped at that time. The suggestions put forward constituted the framework and the foundation for the world politics until the late 80s; the cumulative effect of these responses on today's attempts at solving post- cold-war crises enables us to evaluate the roles and behaviour of individual actors in the resolution of the Kosovo crisis

In many countries the violations of human rights and the deterioration of democracy are a direct consequence of the inability of the civilian government to control their military and security forces. The military are a part of society and as such should be constantly monitored by the civilian, political authorities. This control must be regular and efficient and not defective or faulty. The civilian control of the military in the USA was enacted by the Constitution of 1789. The initiative "Partnership for Peace" has the central role in the transformation of the armed forces in the transitional countries, and the civilian control of the army is the prerequisite for bolstering and giving a boost to democracy. The analysis of the political and defence system of the Republic of Croatia definitely indicates that in Croatia, even at this stage, there is an efficient control of its armed forces (SOI : PM: S. 127)

The author suggests that Dayton peace accord is primarily an expression of the West's (particularly American) strategic interests, both regional and global. Numerous political constellations which have surrounded the conflict in the former Yugoslavia can be explained if this proposition is accepted. The lamentations that the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia was premature is an expression of the disgruntlement over the failure to incorporate the entire Yugoslav territory within the western interest sphere and the consequent relinquishment of Serbia to Russia. In Southeastern Europe, Russia has proved the sole American strategic ally. Americans, realizing that their strategic interests became vulnerable due to the European rivalries, decided to strike o its own. The Dayton constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a multicultural state is built on current political principles in line with the requirements of the moment which include antifascism, anticommunism, antiterrorism, human rights and multiculturalism. author concludes that Croatian politics should fall in line with the strategic preferences of the West which would enable it to accomplish ist national interests. (SOI : PM: S. 156)