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Pacifying Missions provides the first sustained examination of peace and missionary work in the context of the British Empire. It interrogates diverse missionary projects from Africa and the Pacific region, unfolding a variegated world of ideas, discourses, and actions. The volume yields compelling evidence for a reconsideration of peace as a vital focus for analysis in the history of Christian mission. It also reveals a landscape of peace that was plural, dynamic, and contested, worked out in specific contexts, and deeply entangled with understandings and experiences of violence. Contributors to this volume are: Geoffrey Troughton, Elizabeth Elbourne, Jane Samson, David Maxwell, Norman Etherington, Esme Cleall, Amy Stambach, Joanna Cruickshank, and Bronwyn Shepherd

Nowadays in Latin America, education for peace and human rights towards truth and justice is an ethic commitment, a social need and a non-questionable theme. Hence it is necessary to create links between civil society and the non-governmental organizations building strong bridges of cooperation and work. It is also important to review traditional concepts, to evaluate the education practices and to design projects from our own daily life, social and working sites. This is based on the conviction that the existing efforts for making changes are not antagonistic but complementary. This article intends to demonstrate that education for peace implies a permanent compromise with democratic principles in pedagogy and it is an ethic need to assume them in concrete actions and not only in theory. Key words: education, peace, human rights, ethics, democratic pedagogy. ; La educación para la paz y para los derechos humanos en búsqueda de la verdad y la justicia es hoy una obligación ética, una necesidad social y un imperativo incuestionable en el campo de la docencia latinoamericana. Para ello es necesario articular sólidos puentes de trabajo y cooperación con la sociedad civil y con las organizaciones no gubernamentales. Es necesario revisar conceptos tradicionales, evaluar prácticas pedagógicas y elaborar proyectos desde cada uno de nuestros espacios de vida y de trabajo – partiendo de la convicción de que los esfuerzos para producir transformaciones no son antagónicos, sino complementarios. Este artículo intenta demostrar que la educación para la paz implica, en realidad, un renovado compromiso con los principios pedagógicos democráticos - y es un imperativo ético asumirlos en forma activa y concreta. Palabras clave: educación, paz, derechos humanos, ética, pedagogía democrática.

Purpose: Negotiations between two parties always have newsworthiness. Results of the negotiations can be strongly influenced by the media coverage. Pakistan's government was also involved in peace negotiation with Tahrik e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) during January and February 2014. It was the most discussing issue in Pakistani media at that time. The aim of this research is to analyze the editorial policy of three Pakistani English language newspapers; Dawn, Nation and The News to check their favorable or unfavorable behavior regarding peace talks during January and February 2014. Design/Methodology/Approach: Agenda setting, priming and farming theories were used in this study. Qualitative content analysis method was used in this study to analyze the editorial policy of these three newspapers. Findings: The results revealed that all these three newspapers gave significant coverage to the peace talks issue but Nation gave more coverage to the issue. Findings also revealed that Dawn and The News, most of the time showed neutral behavior but tilted towards unfavorable position regarding peace talks. Nation showed strongly unfavorable behavior regarding peace talks. Implications/Originality/Value: So it is concluded that all these three newspapers were mostly against the peace talks and government and media were not on the same page on the issue of peace talks.

Este artículo examina los tratados de guerrilla, manuales, ordenanzas y reglamentos militares que eran leídos y cumplidos por soldados, milicianos, guerrilleros, oficiales y los ciudadanos armados, todos ellos enfrentados al dilema de la guerra o al de lograr una paz estable y permanente en el territorio de la República de Colombia en los inicios del siglo XIX. El enfoque central está dirigido a los ciudadanos armados quienes, luego de pertenecer a varios cuerpos (milicias, guerrillas, guardias nacionales) terminaron incor- porados en una fuerza militar única: el ejército libertador, el cual jugó un papel decisivo en la construcción del Estado y en la expansión de la ciudadanía reafirmando así una concepción netamente liberal de la sociedad local de la época. ; This article examines the treaties of guerrillas, manuals, military regulations and ordinances that were read and met by soldiers, militants, guerrillas, officials armed citizens, and all of them faced with the dilemma of the war or to achieve a stable and permanent peace. The focus is directed at the armed citizens who, after belonging to several corps (militants, guerrillas, national guards), ended up incorporated into a single military force: the liberating army, who played a decisive role in the construction of the State and in the expansion of citizenship, reaffirming a clearly liberal conception of the local society of that time. ; Cet article examine les traités de guérilla, les manuels, les ordonnances et les règlements militaires lus et respectés par les soldats, les miliciens, les guérilleros, les officiers et les citoyens armés, qui se voyaient tous face au dilemme de la guerre ou d'atteindre une paix stable et permanente, dans le territoire de l'actuelle Colombie au début du XIXe siècle. L'attention est centrée sur les citoyens armés qui, après avoir fait partie de plusieurs corps (milices, guérillas, gardes nationaux), ont fini par être incorporés à une force militaire unique : celle de l'armée libératrice, qui a joué un rôle décisif dans la construction de l'État et dans l'expansion de la citoyenneté tout en réaffirmant une conception net- tement libérale de la société locale de l'époque. ; Este artigo examina o tratados de guerrilha, manuais, ordens e regulamentos militares que eram lidos e executados por soldados, milicianos, guerrilheiros, oficiais e os cidadãos armados, todos eles enfrentados ao dilema da guerra ou de alcançar a paz estável e permanente. O enfoque central é dirigido aos cidadãos armados que após pertence- rem a diversos órgãos (milícias, guerrilhas, guardas nacionais) terminaram incorporados numa força militar única: o exército libertador, o qual desempenhou um papel funda- mental na construção do Estado e na expansão da cidadania, reafirmando assim uma concepção completamente liberal da sociedade local do tempo.

Examines what external actors can do to help move a war-torn society in confict toward a stable peace. It is based on the premise that if external actors cannot figure out how to lay a foundation for a peace, there will be decreasing support for international intervention and peacekeeping missions

The purpose of the United Nations, as set forth in Article 1 of its charter, is "to maintain international peace and security, and to that end, to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace." The Security Council has made it clear that Saddam Hussein is a major threat to international peace and security.

The recent advent of the European Union (EU) External Action Service (EEAS) represents a major step towards a new kind of diplomacy in the international arena. However, while the construction of such a large, supranational corps of diplomats is wholly unprecedented, the EU's successful track record in its own internal diplomacy contains many lessons for its future external diplomacy. If these lessons are implemented well, the EEAS will be coherent and effective, transforming the EU's foreign policy landscape and catapulting it onto the world stage. If not, this new institution risks becoming a weak bureaucratic experiment that could end up working at cross purposes with the diplomatic apparatus of the Member States already in place. Specifically, this article focuses on the recruitment and training of EU diplomats and the challenges of fostering a strong esprit de corps, sense of collective identity, as well as a high level of professionalism, expertise, and flexibility. The author uses constructivist theory and argues that this approach has much to offer policymakers when it comes to understanding the nature of norms as well as how and why they change. Adapted from the source document.

El autor analiza la ideología del líder budista japonés Daisaku Ikeda y la actuación pública de las dos más importantes organizaciones dirigidas por él: la Soka Gakkai Internacional (SGI) y el partido político Nuevo Komeito. Además, examina las implicaciones de la actividad proselitista de la SGI en las universidades de diferentes países del mundo, incluida Venezuela. La crítica a la doctrina de Ikeda por su acoplamiento a los intereses dominantes del capitalismo global y por su propósito de convertir el nacionalismo budista japonés en la base de una nueva religión universal, constituye el aporte fundamental de este trabajo. ; This article analyzes the ideology of Japanese Buddhist leader Daisaku Ikeda and the public actions of his two most important organizations: the Soka Gakkai International and the political party New Komeito. It also examines the implications of the proselytizing activities carried out by SGI in universities worldwide, emphasizing its recent positioning within public institutions of higher education in Venezuela. The critical analysis of the doctrine of Ikeda with regard to the dominant interests of global capitalism and its intention to make of Japanese Buddhist nationalism the core of a new universal religion is the main contribution of this research. ; 105-127 ; fernandezcolon@gmail.com ; semestral

Whether or not, and how, 'security' and 'peace' go together has always been an issue of discussion among peace researchers. The focus on peace instead of on (military) security was constitutive for early German 'critical peace research'. The inception of S+F can be regarded as an attempt to bridge the divide between peace and security studies. In this regard, the title of the journal was programmatic. It served a useful purpose when, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, peace research (with important exceptions, of course) tended to move towards critical security studies combined with a reductionist understanding of peace as 'comprehensive security' and as a label on a tool box for civil conflict management (in the 'new wars'). In this context, S+F reminded the community of the need to maintain the distinction between peace and security. The journal also offered the space for debating this distinction in terms of the different logics of peace and security.