Suchergebnisse

Nenad Miscevic's Nationalism and Beyond: Introducing Moral Debate about Values (New York: CEU Press, 2001) is reviewed. Of the book's three parts, part 1 describes nationalism as a political program; part 2 discusses the relationship between culture, identity, & tradition; & part 3 proposes cosmopolitanism as an alternative to nationalism. The review focuses on Miscevic's debunking of the intellectual, political, cultural, & moral arguments advanced by proponents in favor of nationalism; the various arguments are presented & Miscevic's criticism is supported. It is concluded that the author's ethical-political argumentation against nationalism is very convincing, but his treatment of the relationship between the individual & society seems to be too general & perfunctory. 2 References. Z. Dubiel

The first translation of Mill's paper Podredenost zena (1869) has been recently published in Croatia. This work marks a break with the patriarchal paradigm within the liberal tradition. By tying the realization of liberal ideas of freedom & individualism to the elimination of inequality between the sexes, Mill gave back to liberalism its original critical & emancipatory character. Using this as the starting point, the article deals with the understanding of women's rights within the intellectual-political tradition Mill belonged to; sheds some new light on the nature & the meaning of his relationship with Harriet Taylor; & reconstructs Mill's theory on the equality of women in the context of his entire oeuvre. In the fourth & final part, the author looks into the relevance of Mill's ideas & points to certain intricacies & contradictions in his views. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The first translation of Mill's paper Podredenost zena (1869) has been recently published in Croatia. This work marks a break with the patriarchal paradigm within the liberal tradition. By tying the realization of liberal ideas of freedom & individualism to the elimination of inequality between the sexes, Mill gave back to liberalism its original critical & emancipatory character. Using this as the starting point, the article deals with the understanding of women's rights within the intellectual-political tradition Mill belonged to; sheds some new light on the nature & the meaning of his relationship with Harriet Taylor; & reconstructs Mill's theory on the equality of women in the context of his entire oeuvre. In the fourth & final part, the author looks into the relevance of Mill's ideas & points to certain intricacies & contradictions in his views. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

A revised translation of an article originally published as "Der ambivalente Liberalismus. Oder: Was halt die liberale Demokratie zusammen?" Zeitschrift fur Politik (42 [1995] 3, 250-267). A few years after the collapse of communist regimes, it is evident that the confidence about the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy was premature. This waking up to reality is not only the consequence of the hardships in the transformation of postcommunist societies, but of the intellectual skepticism regarding the normative potential of liberal democracy in the developed Western societies. The problem might in most general terms be formulated as the incapacity of liberal democracy to generate & reproduce the normative requirements for its own survival. The author thinks that the solution to this paradox can nevertheless be found within the institutional framework of liberal democracy: if the traditional moral concepts on which liberal democracy was founded in the past are worn out indeed, & no civil-religious substitute for that tradition has emerged as yet, then its only possibility is to create its own, modern or postmodern, morality by means of the public discourse mechanisms & the political participation of citizens. The normative dimension of liberalism must not be reduced to the theory of private ownership, market, & competition, but be envisaged as a constitutional theory of human rights & restricted government & the egalitarian distribution of goods & opportunities. Adapted from the source document.

The author gives a brief account of the (active or passive) complicity of the overwhelming majority of Serbian intellectuals in the Serbs war on Croatia & Bosnia-Herzegovina & the war crimes & crimes against humanity, including genocide, they have committed in its course. The author then argues that in view of this complicity, intellectuals outside Serbia should not be doing "business as usual" with their Serbian colleagues. He advances an argument for a comprehensive, but selective, boycott of Serbian intellectuals as the morally appropriate response of intellectuals the world over. Adapted from the source document.

Henry Kissinger is one of the most eminent & influential intellectuals in American foreign policy. His work & achievements may be divided into three phases of his participation in the creation of American foreign policy. In the first -- scholarly -- phase of his career, he criticized US foreign policy. His works from that period clearly reflect his realpolitik outlook. Particularly important for his life & work is the second phase when he was able, as a national security adviser & later as Secretary of State for presidents Nixon & Ford, to use his remarkable intellectual capital & successfully practice realpolitik as the creator & proponent of American foreign policy. After his retirement from foreign policy administration, Kissinger did not cease to use his clout in the field of international relations & American foreign policy. He has been one of the most significant intellectuals influencing US foreign policy. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

Following the military defeat of the secular strategic orientation (Drang nach Westen) in Croatia of Serbian political & intellectual elite, a question arises: which are the feasible strategic options of Serbian nationalist elites? Theoretically, three options are possible: (1) radical strategic reorientation: giving up entirely on the existing orientation & setting up new strategic priorities; (2) a respite & mustering of strength for a new round (a reprise of the tactical variant of 1991); or (3) hatching a novel, long-term tactical variation that would enable the achievement of strategic objectives step by step, by "peaceful means." The author finds the third option most viable, though there are no hints that such a choice has actually been made. However, supposing this option might eventually be acted upon, the author goes on to envisage the quandaries & dilemmas that political & intellectual elites in Serbia might be faced with. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the political, historical, & intellectual beginnings of the debate about liberalism & communitarianism in the US from the standpoint of sociology. Then he goes on to describe its reception in Europe & finally to depict in greater detail its course in Germany. The purpose of the whole analysis may be reduced to the investigation of the possibilities for a transfer of theoretical & political debates from one into another national & social & political hermeneutical situation. On the one hand, the author is skeptical towards such transfers since they are at the same time very courageous transformations, while on the other this points to the common economic & political characteristics of contemporary industrial societies of the West that enable such transfers & make them understandable. Adapted from the source document.

On the occasion of the bicentennial of the publication of Kant's Treatise on Perpetual Peace, the author attempts to evoke & actualize that classic of modern philosophy of politics. According to Hajo Schmidt, the strong point of Kant's concept was his realism, which prevented him from slipping into intellectual, utopian idealization of human nature & political relations among people. Having in mind not only the rational but also irrational aspects of human nature, ie, the insuperable chasm between good & evil, Kant in that respect offers edifying peacemaking propositions. This he achieves by advocating the concepts of free individuals, independent national states, & the cosmopolitan unity of humankind. These three moments make up the content of Kant's concept of republicanism. Their identity & plurality are the foundations of the peace. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

On the occasion of the bicentennial of the publication of Kant's Treatise on Perpetual Peace, the author attempts to evoke & actualize that classic of modern philosophy of politics. According to Hajo Schmidt, the strong point of Kant's concept was his realism, which prevented him from slipping into intellectual, utopian idealization of human nature & political relations among people. Having in mind not only the rational but also irrational aspects of human nature, ie, the insuperable chasm between good & evil, Kant in that respect offers edifying peacemaking propositions. This he achieves by advocating the concepts of free individuals, independent national states, & the cosmopolitan unity of humankind. These three moments make up the content of Kant's concept of republicanism. Their identity & plurality are the foundations of the peace. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Social Democratic Party of Croatia & Slavonia was founded in 1894, a spin-off of similar political developments in other parts of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Due to the economic & social backwardness of Croatia, industrial workers were rather few in number, & trade unions were banned. The party was mostly made up of craftsmen; there were no intellectuals who would be proponents of socialist theory & programs. That is why its efforts were directed toward the hands-on protection of workers' interests. Another aspect of its mainstream political activities was their opposition to both Croatian & Serbian nationalism & chauvinism & their advocacy of Croatian independence. Due to their unwavering support for human rights & democratic political freedoms, Croatian social democrats were often subject to state repression. The author draws parallels with today's political situation as well as conclusions about the agenda of the leftist parties in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

In stable democracies, radical electoral changes necessitating the alteration of the type of electoral system are very rare. That is why the typological electoral reforms in New Zealand, Italy, & Japan in the 1990s generated huge scientific & public interest. In all three cases, the reforms were brought about by profound political crises, primarily by the electoral system crises. The reforms were carried out according to different patterns. The New Zealand electoral reform was an expression of a highly sophisticated intellectual design of political institutions legitimized by a referendum. The Italian reform was exacted through the initiatives & actions of the political & the civilian actors & was also confirmed by a referendum. The Japanese reform was a result of a contingently exacted party arrangement. In all three cases -- to the biggest extent in Italy, & to the smallest extent in Japan -- the reforms were implemented regardless of the will of the main political parties & most politicians. 3 Tables, 56 References. Adapted from the source document.

The revival of the nation has shocked German intellectuals who think that the nation-state is historically obsolete & that new models should be upheld: the united Europe, a world community of responsible states, globalization of markets, a universe of human rights. The contrary tendencies in today's world are marked by giving up on huge political entities, which have been replaced by smaller nationality-based states. It seems that political freedom leads to the formation of nation-states based on democratic constitution. This process requires looking into the relation between the nation-state & democracy. The key for the explanation of their relationship can be found in the notion of nation. Citizenship mediates between the people (in its real manifestation as a social group), & democracy as a constitutional principle. It gives to the state as a personal entity legal structure on which to build a democratic form of the state & guarantees legally applicable taxonomies & limitations. Adapted from the source document.

By using the analytical framework of the theory of modernization, the author analyzes the fundamental features of social community in postmodern society, in which it rests on kinship, religion, & cultural patterns. In modern society a new form of social community is established -- nation. It emerges within a constituted political framework as a community of individuals, subordinated to an integral legal framework. Contrary to the western model of "state-nation," there is the East European model of "culture-nation" or ethnic nation, which might be said to be an incompletely modernized social community. The dominating model in Croatia is one of the cultural or ethnic community. The consequences of such a model are the strengthening of authoritarian tendencies & the arrested development of democracy. In such a concept of social community there is no place for opposition. In Croatia, cultural & political modernization in the direction of social community with a more prominent role of intellectual elites & other social actors is vital. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The prerequisites for achieving perpetual peace are the settlement of the entire Earth; the establishment of republican government (the most stable type of government); & the exchange of goods as a way of bringing peoples together, peoples among whom racial & religious differences have often sparked animosities. Kant attributes these prerequisites to "the great artist Nature," since they occur as a part of the egoistic material interests of men -- at the level of men as natural beings, without influencing their intellectual will. Starting with Kant's proviso that morality does not suffice for achieving the prerequisites for perpetual peace, the author deals with the opposition between man's material interests & the purpose of reason in Kant's ethics. She goes on to show that Kant understands the practical mind as one's disposition for a complete realization of one's humanness. The polarity between the purpose of reason & man's natural strivings she identifies in the exclusion of sensory & emotional impulses from moral acts. The author analyzes this exclusion in combination with Kant's concept of freedom, defined as the causality springing from the freedom of rational will. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.