Suchergebnisse

The article deals with resonance, development, and changes in various forms of atheism in the works of Czech, especially Marxist, intellectuals in the second half of the 20th century. Attention is also paid to their influence on public opinion, especially in connection with a rise in negative attitude of a large part of the Czech public towards religion. The study is based primarily on historical and discursive analyses of the works of principal authors from the 1950s to 1989. Among the authors discussed are important figures such as Ivan Sviták, Milan Machovec, and Vítězslav Gardavský.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this article is to analyse the relationship between ideas of philosophical anthropology and the problem of intellectual legitimacy of democracy. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: In the article I am trying to answer the question, what is the relationship between views on human nature and attitude to democracy. I analyse this problem by interpreting classic works of political thought. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The starting point is the statement: aversion to democracy arose largely from misanthropy. Democracy was not considered as intellectually legitimate regime, because it was not believed in the rationality of an ordinary person and his ability to participate responsibly in public life. This situation changes during the Enlightenment, when anthropological pessimism was undermined, and the theories underlying the idea of the intellectual legitimacy of democracy were formulated. The later course of events largely questioned these theories, but nevertheless democracy in the West is considered as the only legitimate form of government. RESEARCH RESULTS: This leads me to a view on the paradoxical nature of modern democracy. On the one hand, there is a consensus regarding the intellectual legitimacy of democracy. On the other hand, in theory and practice, the ability of ordinary people to participate reasonably in public life is commonly questioned. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The results of the analysis should prompt the political scientist to change the way of understanding the nature of modern democracy. This system is called democracy, but it seems to have less and less to do with the hopes of those authors who formulated its intellectual assumptions. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Celem tego artykułu jest analiza związku między wy‑ obrażeniami z zakresu antropologii filozoficznej a problemem intelektualnej prawomocności demokracji. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: W artykule próbuję odpowiedzieć na pytanie, jaki jest związek między poglądami na temat natury ludzkiej a sto‑ sunkiem do demokracji. Analizuję ten problem interpretując klasyczne dzieła z zakresu myśli politycznej. PROCES WYWODU: Punktem wyjścia jest konstatacja: niechęć wobec demo‑ kracji wyrastała w dużej mierze z mizantropii. Demokracja nie była uznawana za ustrój godny poparcia, ponieważ nie wierzono w racjonalność zwykłego czło‑ wieka i jego zdolność do odpowiedzialnego uczestnictwa w życiu publicznym. Ta sytuacja zmienia się w epoce Oświecenia, kiedy to podważono pesymizm antropologiczny i sformułowane zostały teorie stanowiące podstawę dla idei intelektualnej prawomocności demokracji. Późniejszy bieg wypadków w du‑ żym stopniu te teorie zakwestionował, ale mimo to demokracja na Zachodzie uznawana jest za jedyną prawomocną formę rządu. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Analiza prowadzi do sformułowania poglądu o paradoksalnym charakterze współczesnej demokracji. Z jednej stro‑ ny, istnieje konsensus co do intelektualnej prawomocności demokracji, z dru‑ giej – w teorii i praktyce powszechnie kwestionowana jest zdolność zwykłego człowieka do rozumnego uczestnictwa w życiu publicznym. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Wyniki analizy powinny skłonić politologa do zmiany sposobu rozumienia charakteru współczesnej demo‑ kracji. Ustrój ten nosi nazwę demokracja, ale wydaje się mieć coraz mniej wspól‑ nego z nadziejami tych autorów, którzy sformułowali jej intelektualne założenia.

The paper aims to trace development of socio-political thought of "Solidarność" in years 1980-1989 in the light of a model of doctrinal evolution. In the second chapter theoretical assumptions regarding the nature of real socialism, structure of "Solidarność" movement and doctrinal development are presented. In the third chap¬ter the intellectual development of "Solidarność" thought is outline. It is supposed that in years 1980-1989 "Solidarność" was revolutionary (1980-1981) conspirational (1981-1986) and reformist social movement (1986-1989) what influenced its doctrinal development and diversification (emerging of radical and compromise wings). In the fourth chapter, the sociopolitical and socio-economic factors and conditions are identified which influenced the doctrinal development of "Solidarność" after 1989 – namely acceptance of neo-liberal model of transformation and resignation from workers' self-governance. ; The paper aims to trace development of socio-political thought of "Solidarność" in years 1980-1989 in the light of a model of doctrinal evolution. In the second chapter theoretical assumptions regarding the nature of real socialism, structure of "Solidarność" movement and doctrinal development are presented. In the third chap¬ter the intellectual development of "Solidarność" thought is outline. It is supposed that in years 1980-1989 "Solidarność" was revolutionary (1980-1981) conspirational (1981-1986) and reformist social movement (1986-1989) what influenced its doctrinal development and diversification (emerging of radical and compromise wings). In the fourth chapter, the sociopolitical and socio-economic factors and conditions are identified which influenced the doctrinal development of "Solidarność" after 1989 – namely acceptance of neo-liberal model of transformation and resignation from workers' self-governance.

The article concerns the issue of the hospitality market development from the perspective of changes taking place in the economy of the 21st century as well as in the economic policy pursued at the level of states and integration groups. For this purpose, an analysis of changes in the supply of hotel services, the demand for hotel services and potential management efficiency of hotel facilities was conducted. To investigate the changes taking place in the hotel industry the basic instruments of economic analysis were used which allowed to analyze the dynamics and the structure of the examined phenomena against a background of the wider economic processes.

The paper aims to trace development of socio-political thought of "Solidarność" in years 1980-1989 in the light of a model of doctrinal evolution. In the second chapter theoretical assumptions regarding the nature of real socialism, structure of "Solidarność" movement and doctrinal development are presented. In the third chap¬ter the intellectual development of "Solidarność" thought is outline. It is supposed that in years 1980-1989 "Solidarność" was revolutionary (1980-1981) conspirational (1981-1986) and reformist social movement (1986-1989) what influenced its doctrinal development and diversification (emerging of radical and compromise wings). In the fourth chapter, the sociopolitical and socio-economic factors and conditions are identified which influenced the doctrinal development of "Solidarność" after 1989 – namely acceptance of neo-liberal model of transformation and resignation from workers' self-governance.

It is not possible to ignore the intellectual and organizational effort of the Polish socialists who, as early as the 1870s, tried to promote the idea that the best circumstances facilitating the implementation of the aims pursued by the workers could be found in the national state organized on the basis of democratic constitutional instruments. The socialists argued that only in the state of parliamentary democracy the workers and other working social strata may successfully fight for their objectives and rights while selecting the peaceful and democratic methods. Likewise, they argued that only the parliamentary democracy enabled them to arrive at full rights that should be accessible to them as citizens and nationals. By promoting these ideas they aroused among the workers and in the entire society of partitioned Poland the sense of citizenship and democracy. This, in its turn, allowed to base the concept of potential national independence upon the broad and solid social foundations. Likewise, this allowed to secure the democratic constitutional system to the restored state, and consequently to modernize social relationships in Poland along the peaceful and democratic lines.

This essay undertakes an attempt to complete the "micrological" perspective of the Silesian school led by Aleksander Nawarecki with political impulses absent from its sources, guided by the intellectual constellations of two thinkers hitherto neglected as micrologists: Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze. Voicing opposition to the discipline and scientism of the close reading method, the essay proposes to consider the scholar in the categories of the micronaut, and the process of reading as immersion in the text, following minor tensions and flows of meanings. It simultaneously attempts a philosophical reading of the long poem Nie by Konrad Góra as a study in the methodology of seeing, (un)committed blindness and political multiplicity. ; Szkic podejmuje próbę uzupełnienia "mikrologicznej" perspektywy śląskiej szkoły Aleksandra Nawareckiego o nieobecne w niej źródłowo impulsy polityczne i patronat dwóch pominiętych dotąd "mikrologów": Michela Foucaulta i Gilles'a Deleuze'a. Opowiadając się przeciwko zdyscyplinowaniu i scjentyzmowi metody close reading, proponuje rozpatrywać badacza w kategoriach mikronauty, sam proces lektury zaś jako zanurzanie się w tekście, śledzenie drobnych napięć i przepływów znaczeń. Jest równocześnie próbą filozoficznego przeczytania poematu Nie Konrada Góry jako rozprawy o metodyce widzenia, (nie)zawinionej ślepocie i politycznej wielości.

In the study major attention is given to the intellectual nature of the Fabian Society and its connections with the Labour Party. The Fabian Society was founded in 1884 by a group of middle-class intellectuals. The character of the Society was established under the leadership of such men as Sidney Webb, George Bernard Shaw, and Edward Pease. The initial Marxist influence on the Fabian Society is a reason why the Fabians took up a definitely Socialist standpoint, why they did not content them-selves with a left-wing Radical position. The Fabians desired to educate all classes toward socialism through publications and lectures. The Fabian Society has directed its main efforts to economic, social and political reform. Change was to come about by the "permeation" of existing institutions. The process of permeation meant promoting Fabian ideals through personal influence among members of Parliament and government officials, as well as getting more sympathetic men elected to local government and Parliament. In the early twentieth century, after considerable debate, the Society decided to join the newly formed Labour Party ; Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza ideologii Towarzystwa Fabianów i jej wpływu na formowanie się Labour Party. Towarzystwo zostało utworzone w 1884 roku przez intelektualistów z klasy średniej. Program był formułowany przede wszystkim przez Sidneya Webba, George'a Bernarda Shawa i E dwarda Pease`a. Analizując liczne źródła ideowe, podkreślić należy znaczenie doktryny marksizmu, ponieważ to on miał decydujące znaczenie dla tożsamości Towarzystwa, które określało się jako socjalistyczne. Działalność fabianów opierała się przede wszystkim na pisaniu pamfletów, esejów i przekonywaniu osób decydujących o polityce o słuszności ich socjalistycznych postulatów, dotyczących sfery politycznej, socjalnej i ekonomicznej. W ten sposób chcieli oni przenikać do rządzących elit politycznych – właśnie przenikanie było ich metodą działania. Na początku XX wieku zdecydowali się na podjęcie próby utworzenia partii politycznej i w 1903 roku przystąpili do formującej się Labour Party, "wyposażając" ją w ideologię.

Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza ideologii Towarzystwa Fabianów i jej wpływu na formowanie się Labour Party. Towarzystwo zostało utworzone w 1884 roku przez intelektualistów z klasy średniej. Program był formułowany przede wszystkim przez Sidneya Webba, George'a Bernarda Shawa i E dwarda Pease`a. Analizując liczne źródła ideowe, podkreślić należy znaczenie doktryny marksizmu, ponieważ to on miał decydujące znaczenie dla tożsamości Towarzystwa, które określało się jako socjalistyczne. Działalność fabianów opierała się przede wszystkim na pisaniu pamfletów, esejów i przekonywaniu osób decydujących o polityce o słuszności ich socjalistycznych postulatów, dotyczących sfery politycznej, socjalnej i ekonomicznej. W ten sposób chcieli oni przenikać do rządzących elit politycznych – właśnie przenikanie było ich metodą działania. Na początku XX wieku zdecydowali się na podjęcie próby utworzenia partii politycznej i w 1903 roku przystąpili do formującej się Labour Party, "wyposażając" ją w ideologię. ; In the study major attention is given to the intellectual nature of the Fabian Society and its connections with the Labour Party. The Fabian Society was founded in 1884 by a group of middle-class intellectuals. The character of the Society was established under the leadership of such men as Sidney Webb, George Bernard Shaw, and Edward Pease. The initial Marxist influence on the Fabian Society is a reason why the Fabians took up a definitely Socialist standpoint, why they did not content them-selves with a left-wing Radical position. The Fabians desired to educate all classes toward socialism through publications and lectures. The Fabian Society has directed its main efforts to economic, social and political reform. Change was to come about by the "permeation" of existing institutions. The process of permeation meant promoting Fabian ideals through personal influence among members of Parliament and government officials, as well as getting more sympathetic men elected to local government and Parliament. In the early twentieth century, after considerable debate, the Society decided to join the newly formed Labour Party

The aim of the article is to analyze how the concept of sovereignty (the main theoretical category of this text) has been conceptualized/criticized/interpreted during the recent Scottish independence debate, which took place in the period preceding the independence referendum of 18 September 2014. This concept is closely related to the categories of independence and sovereign. The pronouncements on sovereignty present in the intellectual output of three groups are discussed: academics; politicians and political activists; and public intellectuals. An analysis of each type of discourse is produced with a concise partial conclusion, which in the final part are synthesized into a general thesis of the article. The majority of the discussed sources had been made public (i.e. published or presented) no earlier than in the Autumn of 2012. Among these sources there are non-fiction books (academic and essays), academic articles and presentations. This analysis has led to the following conclusions: sovereignty is perceived as relevant in the interdependent 21st century world, as states still remain capable (international pressures and cooperation notwithstanding) of shaping their internal and external policies. It is also generally accepted that the holder of sovereignty, especially in the Scottish case, is the Scottish nation. This assumption leads to calls for the reform of the British constitution, reconciling the existence of various sovereign nations in the United Kingdom, with the sovereignty of parliament. Celem badawczym artykułu jest przeanalizowanie, w jaki sposób pojęcie suwerenność (główna kategoria teoretyczna tekstu) było konceptualizowane / krytykowane/ interpretowane podczas niedawnej szkockiej debaty niepodległościowej, trwającej w okresie poprzedzającym referendum z dnia 18 września 2014 roku. Pojęcie to jest ściśle powiązane z kategoriami niepodległość oraz suweren. Analizie poddane zostały wypowiedzi na temat suwerenności sformułowane przez przedstawicieli trzech grup: badaczy, polityków i osób zaangażowanych w politykę oraz liderów opinii. Analiza poszczególnych typów dyskursów została zakończona zwięzłymi wnioskami cząstkowymi, które w części końcowej zostały ujednolicone, przyjmując postać zasadniczej tezy artykułu. Zdecydowana większość wykorzystanych źródeł została upubliczniona (tj. opublikowana lub wygłoszona) nie wcześniej niż jesienią 2012 roku. Wśród nich znajdują się druki zwarte (książki akademickie i eseistyczne), artykuły akademickie oraz teksty wystąpień. Podjęte badania przyniosły następujące wnioski: suwerenność zachowuje swe znaczenie w realiach gęstej globalizacji pierwszych dekad XXI wieku, gdyż państwa wciąż dysponują (niezależnie od konieczności współpracy międzynarodowej czy presji czynników zewnętrznych różnego typu) instrumentami umożliwiającymi kształtowanie ich polityki zewnętrznej i wewnętrznej. Szeroko akceptowane jest także twierdzenie wskazujące, że suwerenem w warunkach szkockich jest szkocki naród. To pociąga za sobą głosy opowiadające się za reformą brytyjskiego ustroju, godzącą zasadę suwerenności parlamentu z suwerennością poszczególnych brytyjskich narodów.

The article addresses the problem of shaping the centuries-long relationship between Polish people and Ukrainians from Galicia, and discusses the factors influencing the process of shaping the national identity of the inhabitants of Lvov. The publication underlines the historical and ethnic backgrounds influencing the people living in Lvov region and in Lvov itself. The article also refers to the issue of identifying Lvov residents as Europeans. The author of the article also highlighted obstacles preventing the creation of solid foundation between the inhabitants of Lvov to build a common regional identity despite centuries of co-existence. The destabilizing elements were primarily claims to the same territory. Despite the complicated history, there is one common feature of the Lvov residents which has been preserved – as the author of the article points out – namely, their European identity. This belief has risen to the rank of myth. The article has made a synthetic analysis of the mutual relationship between Polish people and Ukrainians from the 15th century up to the present day, taking into account the influence of elements of collective memory. The current relations between the two nations are relatively well formed. After joining the EU, Poland acts as a Ukrainian supporter, regularly defending its interests. This, as well as the Orange Revolution, Euro 2012 and the Revolution of Dignity contributed to the untightened relations between these two nations. However, despite these positive actions in common relations, the attitude of a decisive part of the intellectual elite of modern Lvov residents is more and more influenced by the mythology of the multiculturalism of this city and its membership "ever since" to Europe, with the dominant Ukrainian language, and simultaneous marginalization of thousand years of belonging to the Polish state, which in effect creates a fake image of the city and its inhabitants.

The aim of this article is to compare the criticism of Poland and Poles in the thought of the early National Democracy (on the example of J.L. Popławski) and the Krakow school (on the example of M. Bobrzyński). The research problem is an attempt to answer the question about Poland in the context of Europe: according to which patterns should Polish political culture be evaluated, since both thinkers agree that the patterns of Polish political culture are different from European ones and generate a faulty status quo? The basic method is the analysis of source texts and their interpretation by later authors. Bobrzyński's starting point is Europe, while Popławski's is Poland. The difference in perspective generates two different projects for building a modern Polish society. The main conclusion of the analysis is the thesis about the internal character of criticism of Poland and Poles in the thought of J.L. Popławski. He formulates a thesis about the "backwardness" of Poland, and thus the need for "modernization," i.e. the modernization of Polish patriotism but the starting point of analysis is Polish political culture. The article shows the differences in the placement of "economic virtues" in the catalog of human and civil duties. It's describes the grassroots, "power of the commons" (gminowładcze) conditions of effective political power in Poland and postulates bridging of the social gap between the intellectual elite ("lordly civilization") and the rest of society ("civilization of commons"). The article may prompt a reflection on contemporary modernization changes taking place in Polish society; on one hand side, it suggests the need for civilization change, on the other hand side, it shows the limits of it. ; Celem artykułu jest porównanie krytyki Polski i Polaków w myśli wczesnoendeckiej (na przykładzie J.L. Popławskiego) i szkoły krakowskiej (na przykładzie M. Bobrzyńskiego). Problemem badawczym jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie o Polskę w kontekście Europy: według jakich wzorców dokonać ewaluacji polskiej ...

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is to compare the criticism of Poland and Poles in the thought of the early National Democracy (on the example of J. L. Popławski) and the Cracow school (on the example of M. Bobrzyński). THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem is an attempt to answer the question about Poland in the context of Europe: according to which patterns should Polish political culture be evaluated, since both thinkers agree that the patterns of Polish political culture are different from European ones and generate a faulty status quo? The basic method is the analysis of source texts and their interpretation by later authors. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Bobrzyński's starting point is Europe, while Popławski's is Poland. The difference in perspective generates two different projects for building a modern Polish society. RESEARCH RESULTS: The main conclusion of the analysis is the thesis about the internal character of criticism of Poland and Poles in the thought of J. L. Popławski. He formulates a thesis about the "backwardness" of Poland, and thus the need for "modernisation", i.e. the modernization of Polish patriotism but the starting point of analysis is Polish political culture. The article shows the differences in the placement of "economic virtues" in the catalog of human and civil duties. It's describes the grassroots, "power of the commons (gminowładcze)" conditions of effective political power in Poland and postulates bridging of the social gap between the intellectual elite ("lordly civilization") and the rest of society ("civilization of commons"). WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Artykuł może się przysłużyć refleksji nad współczesnymi przemianami modernizacyjnymi zachodzącymi w społeczeństwie polskim; z jednej strony sugeruje potrzebę zmiany cywilizacyjnej z drugiej pokazuje granice tej zmiany. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The article may prompt a reflection on contemporary modernization changes taking place in Polish society; on one hand side, ...