Rozważania podjęte w tekście koncentrują się wokół roli instytucji w procesach rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego państw. Przedmiotem szczególnej uwagi jest jeden z wymiarów funkcjonowania instytucji, przejawiający się w rozumieniu ich jako efektywnych instrumentów redukowania dystansu rozwojowego wobec państw zachodnich. W tekście zauważono, iż w pierwszych latach po roku 1989 instytucje zniknęły z głównego nurtu ważnych debat intelektualnych. Wskazano główne źródła tego procesu: 1) popularne w latach 90. XX wieku przekonanie o globalnej konwergencji kapitalizmu oraz 2) dominującą w ówczesnej socjologii teorię modernizacji. W artykule postawiono tezę, iż instytucje wróciły do centrum debat akademickich i strategii rozwojowych z powodu splotu następujących procesów i wydarzeń: 1) szerokiej debaty poświęconej instytucjonalnym źródłom wzrostu i rozwoju zapoczątkowanej publikacjąpracy Darona Acemoglu i Jamesa Robinsona Why Nations Fail, 2) globalnego kryzysu ekonomicznego z roku 2008 zainicjowanego upadkiem amerykańskiego banku inwestycyjnego Lehman Brothers, 3) zróżnicowanym konsekwencjom kryzysu ekonomicznego, jakie można dostrzec w USA i w Europie, które ilustrują, 4) instytucjonalną różnorodność kapitalizmu. ; The paper describes the latest change in the research on social and economic development of states. This change is characterized mainly by a strong emphasis put on the role of institutions as key instruments of reducing the development gap between countries. It is argued that in the years after 1989 institutions have disappeared from mainstream academia and major intellectual debates because of: (1) the widespread belief in global convergence of capitalism and (2) the modernization theory which prevailed in the social science in the 1990s. The article indicates that institutions were once again brought into focus as a result of (1) a wider debate about the institutional sources of growth and development sparked by Acemoglu and Robinson's Why Nations Fail, (2) the beginning of the global economic crisis of 2008 triggered by the fall of American investment bank Lehman Brothers (3) diversified consequences of the economic crisis seen all over Europe and the USA which illustrate (4) the institutional varieties of capitalism.
Representatives of the Polish punk-rock scene were careful observers of political, social and economic unrest in the world since the late 1970s and in the 1980s. A large part of the texts, written at that time, aptly commented on the tragic events in the world. Unfortunately, some of them haven't lost their validity, like the song by KSU entitled 'Liban' ['Lebanon'], or by the band 'Brak' ['The Lack'] entitled 'Na Bliskim Wschodzie wszystko w porządku' ['In the Middle East Everything's All Right']. After 1989, more songs, referring to various old or new threats in the world, were written. Songs, produced within the punk scene, describe the problems of political, economic and social nature, which remain unresolved. Authors, such as Maciej Augustyn, Krzysztof Grabowski, Kazik Staszewski not only point to the genesis of security problems in the world, but sometimes predict the consequences of such events in a broader perspective. Surprisingly, anticipations of some authors who are not political scientists or sociologists, come true more frequently than scientific analyses made by security experts. Suffice it to say that almost at the same time when Fukuyma guaranteed that happiness of humanity would be manifested in liberal democracy, Staszewski and Grabowski warned people of imminent wars, crises, a new division of the world and exploitation. ; Representatives of the Polish punk-rock scene were careful observers of political, social and economic unrest in the world since the late 1970s and in the 1980s. A large part of the texts, written at that time, aptly commented on the tragic events in the world. Unfortunately, some of them haven't lost their validity, like the song by KSU entitled 'Liban' ['Lebanon'], or by the band 'Brak' ['The Lack'] entitled 'Na Bliskim Wschodzie wszystko w porządku' ['In the Middle East Everything's All Right']. After 1989, more songs, referring to various old or new threats in the world, were written. Songs, produced within the punk scene, describe the problems of political, economic and social nature, which remain unresolved. Authors, such as Maciej Augustyn, Krzysztof Grabowski, Kazik Staszewski not only point to the genesis of security problems in the world, but sometimes predict the consequences of such events in a broader perspective. Surprisingly, anticipations of some authors who are not political scientists or sociologists, come true more frequently than scientific analyses made by security experts. Suffice it to say that almost at the same time when Fukuyma guaranteed that happiness of humanity would be manifested in liberal democracy, Staszewski and Grabowski warned people of imminent wars, crises, a new division of the world and exploitation.
Some people say that creative industries have little to do with aging and old age. The words "creativity" and "creativity" are increasingly used almost as synonyms for the characteristics of young people and youth as a stage of life. Meanwhile, we all use certain other people-made technologies to perform a variety of daily activities. In addition, regardless of age, we use products developed in the field of craftsmanship, design / design or in the software production sector. Contemporary societies are also faced with an excess of content from, inter alia, from the music, publishing, and film and video industries.
The main aim of the article is to present several of the most important patterns of modernization of the urban space in Warsaw in the post-1989 period, with particular emphasis on the different ways of treating the objects typical of late modernism, also called socmodernism, in the Third Reich. The reflections refer to the four types of social change identified in the context of historical institutionalism: survival and return; reproduction by adaptation; gradual transformation; breakdown and replacement. The author for his part distinguishes four general and seven more specific modernization options and shows their different urban-architectural examples, being present in Warsaw public space.
In the early twenty-first century. France and Germany closely work together to strengthen the effectiveness of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the. European Security and Defence Policy They led to their treaty and institutional strengthening. Governments Chancellor Angela Merkel focused on the "culture of moderation" in foreign policy and ill-considered reform of the Bundeswehr weakened the role of Germany in the area of foreign policy, security and defense policy of the European Union. After the return France to NATO's integrated structures in 2009. It took place a close military cooperation A with the United Kingdom. Arab revolutions and the crisis in the Ukraine is not caused reevaluations so far in German-French cooperation to strengthen the defence of the European Union and its foreign policy. Key words: France-Germany, Common Foreign and Security Policy, European Security and Defence Policy, 21 st. century
The film is one of few examples of political documentaries produced in Poland after 1989. It is not limited to merely outlining the political argument over General Jaruzelski's decision to impose martial law. Although it concerns events in Polish history, it is not a historical documentary, as it brings forth present-day political conflicts that have arisen around historical events. Trying to reconstruct this current political argument, Zmarz-Koczanowicz reaches for a method developed in the 1970s by the so-called "Kraków School" led by Krzysztof Kieślowski. ^e "talking heads" method was meant to help documentary filmmakers in the Polish People's Republic reach what the person in the street actually thought and avoid the distortions of propaganda. For Kieślowski, however, the overriding aim was conciliation and an attempt to understand both sides of the political barricade - the authorities and the vox popu- li. His attitude, according to the terminology suggested by Chantal Mouffe, was a post-political one striving for an agreement through a rational dialogue. Zmarz-Koczanowicz's aim, however, is different: she is intent on showing a clash of different hegemonies that do not strive for consensus. Their agonistic argument, played out in the political register, rather than a moral one, is a guarantee, according to this Belgian philosopher of politics, that democracy will continue to exist.
The study of political activity among the elderly has prompted some American researchers to take up research on "political gerontology" in the late 1970s. One of the effects of the increasing political activity of seniors, but also the growing number of 65+ voters was the emergence a new type of party that uniquely identified with senior citizens and in the wider sense ‒ the elderly, focusing both on demands typical for this electorate. The first party of its kind in Europe was the Italian Pensioners' Party, founded in October 1987. The Balkan pensioners' parties in the majority of cases were among the typical post-communist "demanding parties", expressing the frustration of people, who lost social prestige and financial stability during the economic transformation. Some of them noted significant success by entering into the ruling coalitions (Serbia, Slovenia). Their successes generated the creation of new pensioners' parties in Kosovo and Macedonia. The programs of Balkan pensioners' parties are directed to the entire society, expressing sensitivity to the interests of excluding groups but it is hard to find visible references to elderly problems understood as a social and demographic challenge. The political activity of the Balkan "grey parties" does not seem as a form of elders' emancipation but only as a defense of the pensions and social privileges inherited from the communist times. ; The study of political activity among the elderly has prompted some American researchers to take up research on "political gerontology" in the late 1970s. One of the effects of the increasing political activity of seniors, but also the growing number of 65+ voters was the emergence a new type of party that uniquely identified with senior citizens and in the wider sense ‒ the elderly, focusing both on demands typical for this electorate. The first party of its kind in Europe was the Italian Pensioners' Party, founded in October 1987. The Balkan pensioners' parties in the majority of cases were among the typical post-communist "demanding parties", expressing the frustration of people, who lost social prestige and financial stability during the economic transformation. Some of them noted significant success by entering into the ruling coalitions (Serbia, Slovenia). Their successes generated the creation of new pensioners' parties in Kosovo and Macedonia. The programs of Balkan pensioners' parties are directed to the entire society, expressing sensitivity to the interests of excluding groups but it is hard to find visible references to elderly problems understood as a social and demographic challenge. The political activity of the Balkan "grey parties" does not seem as a form of elders' emancipation but only as a defense of the pensions and social privileges inherited from the communist times.
Analiza obejmuje procesy transformacyjne w regionie Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej zainaugurowane 25 lat temu. Obejmują one zróżnicowane sfery - polityczne, społeczne, gospodarcze, kulturowe oraz międzynarodowe. Pomimo wcześniejszego optymizmu w badaniach politologicznych, dłuższa analiza procesów zmian pozwala na dostrzeżenie wielu scenariuszy realizowanych w poszczególnych państwach. Termin "tranzycja" jako przejście od systemu niedemokratycznego do systemu liberalnej demokracji okazał się mało przydatny do bardziej szczegółowych analiz politologicznych. Część państw bałkańskich czy poradzieckich wybrało model "hybrydowy" zawieszony pomiędzy rozwiązaniami demokratycznymi i rynkowymi a porządkami obowiązującymi w państwie socjalistycznym do końca lat 80. Powyższe tło wydarzeń i zachodzących procesów w omawianym regionie Europy uzupełnia "europeizacja" - traktowana jako rozpowszechnianie rozwiązań Europy Zachodniej na cały kontynent oraz ujednolicanie porządków politycznego, społeczno-gospodarczego czy kulturowego. ; The analysis embraces the transformation processes Central and Eastern Europe embarked upontwenty five years ago. They occurred in different fields - politics, society, economy, culture, and internationalrelations. Despite initial optimism in political science research, the prolonged analysis of thetransformations reveals a number of scenarios implemented in different countries. The notion of 'transition'(tranzycja in Polish), defined as the transformation of non-democracy into a system of liberal democracy,turns out to be of little value in a more detailed analysis in political science. A portion ofBalkan or post-Soviet states has gone for a 'hybrid' model, lying somewhere between democratic andmarket solutions on the one hand, and the routine of a socialist state at the end of the 1980s on the other.This background of events and processes is completed by 'Europeanization', treated as the promulgationof West European solutions to the whole continent and the unification of political, socio-economic andcultural systems.
Artykuł recenzowany / peer-reviewed article ; The French Code de commerce was adopted in the Polish territories in 1809 and remained formally binding for over 120 years. It was nonetheless transferred from post-revolutionary France into a feudal reality, where no commercial code had been in place before, without the necessary preparatory works, implementation of the legislation accompanying the Code de commerce or even an offi cial translation. Moreover, legal scholars paid scarce attention to it in the first decades. Taken together, all these factors aff ected its application. Being a contribution to the complex study of the issue, the present publication examines selected notarial deeds documenting individual commercial transactions to show how the process of practical implementation of the norms of French Commercial Code developed in the Polish territories ; Francuski Code de commerce recypowany został na ziemiach polskich w 1809 r. i obowiązywał formalnie przez ponad 120 lat. Przeszczepiony został jednak z porewolucyjnej Francji do realiów feudalnych, w których nigdy wcześniej nie obowiązywał żaden kodeks handlowy, bez koniecznych prac przygotowawczych, implementacji ustawodawstwa okołokodeksowego związanego z Code de commerce czy oficjalnego tłumaczenia i przy znikomym zainteresowaniu nauki prawa w pierwszych dekadach obowiązywania, co w znacznym stopniu wpływało na jego stosowanie. Niniejsza publikacja, stanowiąca przyczynek do kompleksowego studium tego zagadnienia, obrazuje, w oparciu o analizę wybranych aktów notarialnych dokumentujących poszczególne czynności handlowe, jak przebiegał proces praktycznej implementacji norm francuskiego Kodeksu handlowego na ziemiach polskich.
Analiza obejmuje procesy transformacyjne w regionie Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej zainaugurowane 25 lat temu. Obejmują one zróżnicowane sfery – polityczne, społeczne, gospodarcze, kulturowe oraz międzynarodowe. Pomimo wcześniejszego optymizmu w badaniach politologicznych, dłuższa analiza procesów zmian pozwala na dostrzeżenie wielu scenariuszy realizowanych w poszczególnych państwach. Termin "tranzycja" jako przejście od systemu niedemokratycznego do systemu liberalnej demokracji okazał się mało przydatny do bardziej szczegółowych analiz politologicznych. Część państw bałkańskich czy poradzieckich wybrało model "hybrydowy" zawieszony pomiędzy rozwiązaniami demokratycznymi i rynkowymi a porządkami obowiązującymi w państwie socjalistycznym do końca lat 80. Powyższe tło wydarzeń i zachodzących procesów w omawianym regionie Europy uzupełnia "europeizacja" – traktowana jako rozpowszechnianie rozwiązań Europy Zachodniej na cały kontynent oraz ujednolicanie porządków politycznego, społeczno-gospodarczego czy kulturowego. ; The analysis embraces the transformation processes Central and Eastern Europe embarked upon twenty five years ago. They occurred in different fields – politics, society, economy, culture, and international relations. Despite initial optimism in political science research, the prolonged analysis of the transformations reveals a number of scenarios implemented in different countries. The notion of 'transition' (tranzycja in Polish), defined as the transformation of non-democracy into a system of liberal democracy, turns out to be of little value in a more detailed analysis in political science. A portion of Balkan or post-Soviet states has gone for a 'hybrid' model, lying somewhere between democratic and market solutions on the one hand, and the routine of a socialist state at the end of the 1980s on the other. This background of events and processes is completed by 'Europeanization', treated as the promulgation of West European solutions to the whole continent and the unification of political, socio-economic and cultural systems.
The article presents the specifics of French security policy and its cooperation within the European Union and The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The aim of the article will be to show the democratic character of the French security policy and to show that the undoubted influence on France's security policy is exerted on the one hand by its historical and political tradition, and on the other, by its geopolitical position. The article presents as well a certain inconsistency in French strategy that is associated with evolution of creating its own security policy, and the question: to create it on its own or perhaps with cooperation with the Union? In France, despite the introduction of significant changes after 1989, the very clear accent seems to be continued, which is related to maintaining the strong position of Paris in whole Europe and beyond. France wants to take the leading positions in European organizations, such as the EU or the Council of Europe and actively participates in the meetings of the United Nations Security Council where is insisting of pushing the important strategies for Europe. At the same time, Paris does not agree to US dominance in these institutions believing them to be unnecessary in creating peace in Europe as the Community itself can best take care of its own issues. After taking over the office of the president by Jacques Chirac, the visible desire to strengthen cooperation with the Organization and return to its integrated military structures, implemented only in 2009, can be noticed. France also attaches a great importance to the activities of the United Nation. As a "representative" of Europe in the Security Council, together with Great Britain, it has a right of vote at its meetings. Additionally, in the last years, Paris vote for granting the greater voice in leading institutions for certain European countries and inviting new members to the Security Council. At the same time, France makes a tremendous effort to preserve the traditions of its cultural heritage.Key words: Security, NATO, France, the European Union, The Council of the EU ; The article presents the specifics of French security policy and its cooperation within the European Union and The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The aim of the article will be to show the democratic character of the French security policy and to show that the undoubted influence on France's security policy is exerted on the one hand by its historical and political tradition, and on the other, by its geopolitical position. The article presents as well a certain inconsistency in French strategy that is associated with evolution of creating its own security policy, and the question: to create it on its own or perhaps with cooperation with the Union? In France, despite the introduction of significant changes after 1989, the very clear accent seems to be continued, which is related to maintaining the strong position of Paris in whole Europe and beyond. France wants to take the leading positions in European organizations, such as the EU or the Council of Europe and actively participates in the meetings of the United Nations Security Council where is insisting of pushing the important strategies for Europe. At the same time, Paris does not agree to US dominance in these institutions believing them to be unnecessary in creating peace in Europe as the Community itself can best take care of its own issues. After taking over the office of the president by Jacques Chirac, the visible desire to strengthen cooperation with the Organization and return to its integrated military structures, implemented only in 2009, can be noticed. France also attaches a great importance to the activities of the United Nation. As a "representative" of Europe in the Security Council, together with Great Britain, it has a right of vote at its meetings. Additionally, in the last years, Paris vote for granting the greater voice in leading institutions for certain European countries and inviting new members to the Security Council. At the same time, France makes a tremendous effort to preserve the traditions of its cultural heritage.Key words: Security, NATO, France, the European Union, The Council of the EU ; В статті представлена специфіка французької політики безпеки, а також співпраця Франції з країнами в межах Європейського Союзу та НАТО. Стаття демонструє демократичний характер французької політики безпеки, на який впливає з одного боку історичні та політичні традицій, а з іншого геополітичне положення. У статті наголошується про дилему перед країною: організовувати політику безпеки самостійно чи за допомогою співпраці з іншими країнами Європейського Союзу. У Франції, незважаючи на значні зміни після 1989, прослідковується міцна позиція Парижа в усій Європі та за її межами. Франція хоче займати лідируючу позицію в європейських організаціях, таких як Європейський союз, Рада Європи, вона бере активну участь у зустрічах Ради Безпеки ООН, просуваючи важливі стратегії у Європі. Париж не підтримує втручання США у внутрішні справи європейських інституцій, вважаючи це не доцільним. За президентства Жака Ширака були помітні прагнення до зміцнення співпраці з Союзом, а також повернення до інтегрованих військових структур, які були впровадженні тільки у 2009 році. Франція вважає роботу ООН надзвичайно важливою. Як представник Європи в Раді Безпеки разом з Великою Британією, вона має право голосу. Протягом останніх років, Париж голосував за надання більших повноважень окремим європейським країнам у лідируючих інституціях , а також запрошував нових членів до Ради Європи. В той самий час Франція не забуває про свій культурний спадок і докладає великих зусиль для його збереження.Ключові слова: безпека, НАТО, Франція, Європейський Союз, Рада Європи
The aim of the article is to analyze the consumer movement as a manifestation of civil society in Poland. The consumer movement in Europe was synthesized and the freedom of association in consumer organizations was indicated as an element of civil society. While implementing the undertaken research problem, were used the important for the field of social sciences research methods and techniques. The basic research method used in the article is the method of dogmatic analysis. It was used to analyze the legal acts regulating the discussed issues. The article also uses the comparative method to compare selected aspects of the activities of consumer organizations in Poland. As a result of the research, it was indicated that the idea of civil society in Poland was implemented through the development of the consumer movement and the right of consumers to associate in consumer organizations. The consumer movement in Poland developed much later than in Western European countries – in the 1980s. It was caused by the unpopularity and the minimization of the need for real consumer protection in the face of the realities of the socio-economic system in force in the People's Republic of Poland. After 1989, despite the existence of relevant legal regulations in this area, the existence of a demand for the creation of consumer organizations (due to the need to protect consumers in the field of health, economic interests, redress, information and education), this did not translate into the multiplicity of these entities.
"Supreme Office Next to the Throne" – Napoleonic Centralism and the Concept of the Elite in the Duchy of WarsawThe article deals with the conception of political (social) life in the Duchy of Warsaw (1807–1813/1815) at a time of revolutionary changes of the heretofore character of public service in the Polish state "resurrected" by Napoleon. The titular problem is illustrated by an unrealised attempt at establishing a precedence of offices, unknown in pre-partition tradition and referring to analogous French solutions. This venture was to encompass all public offices (administrative, military, court, parliamentary and self-government functions), with only a few referring (mainly via their names) to posts from the period of the Commonwealth of Two Nations. The prime object of the analysis is a collection of projects preserved at the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw. The fundamental difference comes down to establishing priority in the hierarchy of offices – the senators and chairman of the Senate or the ministers and chairman of the Council of State and Council of Ministers. Their ability to make an unambiguous decision stemmed from the different character of the offices of ministers directly dependent on the absolute monarch and representing modern centralised bureaucracy, and the independent senators closer to Old Polish anti-monarchic traditions. By locating the discussion within a wider context of socio-systemic transformations at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the author demonstrated the way in which the drastically altered political situation (preserving, however, the appearances of a return to the past) influenced the views of men of the period concerning the elite of the "resurrected" Polish state.
"Supreme Office Next to the Throne" – Napoleonic Centralism and the Concept of the Elite in the Duchy of WarsawThe article deals with the conception of political (social) life in the Duchy of Warsaw (1807–1813/1815) at a time of revolutionary changes of the heretofore character of public service in the Polish state "resurrected" by Napoleon. The titular problem is illustrated by an unrealised attempt at establishing a precedence of offices, unknown in pre-partition tradition and referring to analogous French solutions. This venture was to encompass all public offices (administrative, military, court, parliamentary and self-government functions), with only a few referring (mainly via their names) to posts from the period of the Commonwealth of Two Nations. The prime object of the analysis is a collection of projects preserved at the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw. The fundamental difference comes down to establishing priority in the hierarchy of offices – the senators and chairman of the Senate or the ministers and chairman of the Council of State and Council of Ministers. Their ability to make an unambiguous decision stemmed from the different character of the offices of ministers directly dependent on the absolute monarch and representing modern centralised bureaucracy, and the independent senators closer to Old Polish anti-monarchic traditions. By locating the discussion within a wider context of socio-systemic transformations at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the author demonstrated the way in which the drastically altered political situation (preserving, however, the appearances of a return to the past) influenced the views of men of the period concerning the elite of the "resurrected" Polish state.
Despite the plethora of conducted research and analyses, their actual use in the design and implementation of public policies is quite limited. The latest research indicates that an effective strategy to strengthen the use of public policy research results in practice is knowledge brokering. The article demonstrates the use of an educational innovation enabling knowledge brokering teaching through practice - by means of a simulation game-based workshop. The past experience connected with the use of "Knowledge 176 Karol Olejniczak, Dominika Wojtowicz Studia z Polityki Publicznej Brokers" game to teach public sector professionals in Poland, the United States and Canada has confirmed that the game helps to: (1) understand the role of the public policy research and analysis results, (2) master the six key skills of knowledge brokers and (3) understand the broker's limitations in influencing the decision-making process. Public administration institutions can make use of "Knowledge Brokers" for the practical training of their analytical personnel and raising its organizational capacity to carry out public policies based on evidence.
