Suchergebnisse

The article is devoted to the consideration of the nature and characteristics of Russian national identity. The research focus is concentrated on the youth state and civic identity study. State and civic identity was defined through its spatial embodiment. The spatial identity of Russians is largely subject to cognitive processes, and is associated with knowing, or not knowing the names of the cities of the residence country and ideas about their territorial location in the geographical space. Students of Moscow universities acted as carriers of information on the problem. A survey technique was used. The author assumed that the representatives of Russian youth adequately perceive the geography of the country. In particular, it had to be expressed in a relatively correct idea of the location of large cities in Russia. The hypothesis was based on the knowledge that the citizens of Russia socialized in the socio-cultural conditions of Russian society, took on the formative influence of educational and upbringing institutions, and therefore have a formed Russian identity.It was found that socialization in the current socio-cultural conditions does not lead to the formation of an adequate state-civil identity of young people. Based on the quantitative and qualitative analysis of empirical data, the article discusses the reasons that determine the current state of affairs. Considerations are expressed about the potential negative consequences of such a state of identity for the national security and territorial integrity of the Russian Federation.

In recent years, both experts and public opinion tend to assess the involvement of the Russian youth in social activities as rather low: the post-Soviet generations are called apolitical and indifferent to anything except personal well-being and interests. At the same time, the largest research centers (Public Opinion Foundation, Russian Public Opinion Research Center, Levada Center, and Institute of Sociology) conduct sociological studies of various aspects of social and civil activities, political participation and protest potential of younger generations and Russian society as a whole. The article presents some recent data that prove the low level of political and social activity of the Russian population. The author believes that this level is higher among the younger generations, especially the students. To prove that, first, the author considers the category 'social activity': its motives (primarily socially significant needs), subjective 'measurement' (personal needs and interests), goals (pragmatic and altruistic, collective and personal, etc.), forms (personal, collective, etc.) and external and internal factors. Secondly, to assess the motives and restraining factors of the youth social activity, the article presents some results of the surveys conducted in the RUDN University and of the Russian public opinion polls. The author identifies reasons for the youth's lack of interest in public activities (lack of material benefits, desire/time/motivation, information, and negative image of public associations), motives of social activity (social, selective, mobilization, etc.) and for becoming a member of public associations (self-realization, the desire to change the world, combination of the two, etc.), and factors that determine the youth's perception of social activity in general (estimates of social situation, value orientations and social well-being).

In Russian history and culture, various kinds of protests and uprisings have always played an important role. One can recall periodical civilian riots and uprisings in the Russian Empire; the revolution of 1917 that changed the world history. Political processes in a country have often been a pendulum swinging between extremes such as passive loyalty and riot. In recent years, a relative stability of society and power has been achieved, the foundations of which are sometimes referred to as a social contract. However, the beginning of protest in Russian society is increasingly shows itself. The publication presents materials of semantic reconstruction of ideas about various forms of social protest among Russian youth. The study made it possible to reconstruct structural and informatory characteristics of young people's ideas about five significant forms of collective protest: petition, rally, strike, riot and uprising. Comparative analysis shows that the closest form of protest to young people is such a form of protest as a rally, such a form as a petition is also positively assessed. Young people don't associate radical forms of protest, such as riot and uprising, with values and goals that are meaningful to them.

The study deals with the development of youth consciousness as a key element in the system of society and state advancement. The place of a person is determined in the system of the class organization of productive business. The research notes that the diversified market relations make the classes more flexible. The class structure of contemporary Russian society is considered. The paper emphasizes that social class division in the post-industrial society is based on the educational level and knowledge of people (according to V.L. Inozemtsev). The focus is on such category as the new middle class; its extension is a consequence of the information revolution. This class is mainly represented by intellectuals relying on human resources rather than economic ones (cultural capacity, knowledge, skills). The author identifies factors updating class problems among the Russian youth which lead to the antagonistic aspect of class thinking. It is concluded that the new middle class plays the prominent role in the country's future development. It is possible to use constructively the capacity of youth groups tending to perceive patriotic attitude in order to stabilize the situation and develop Russian society.

In Russian history and culture, various kinds of protests and uprisings have always played an important role. One can recall periodical civilian riots and uprisings in the Russian Empire; the revolution of 1917 that changed the world history. Political processes in a country have often been a pendulum swinging between extremes such as passive loyalty and riot. In recent years, a relative stability of society and power has been achieved, the foundations of which are sometimes referred to as a social contract. However, the beginning of protest in Russian society is increasingly shows itself. The publication presents materials of semantic reconstruction of ideas about various forms of social protest among Russian youth. The study made it possible to reconstruct structural and informatory characteristics of young people's ideas about five significant forms of collective protest: petition, rally, strike, riot and uprising. Comparative analysis shows that the closest form of protest to young people is such a form of protest as a rally, such a form as a petition is also positively assessed. Young people don't associate radical forms of protest, such as riot and uprising, with values and goals that are meaningful to them.

This paper deals with the analysis of modern youth slang in the English language. The definition of slang attracts attention of modern philologists. Now there are a fairly large number of slang definitions that quite often contradict each other. Slang is one of the most problematic and main aspects of lexicology, as it reflects the linguistic and cultural features of the society that uses it. Students should select texts based on the language of their future specialty, make assignments for the consolidation of the passed terminology (Erofeeva & Yusupova, 2018). Today, slang is one of the most interesting language systems of modern linguistics. This paper discusses issues related to such a concept as slang, the problems of its use in spoken language of modern youth, as well as the reasons for the penetration of vocabulary into the language. In the course of studying, analysis method and questionnaires were used. Questionnaires enabled to quickly identify and interview large groups of people by a small number of sociologists. The ways of borrowing from other languages, the main ways of the formation of slang expressions were analyzed, the question of frequent use of these or those words in the spoken language of youth was also considered

The article covers the problem of sociological analysis of major threats to spiritual and moral safety of young people. The study of this problem involves theoretical comprehension of the scientific experience of research of socio-cultural and spiritual identity of the Russian society, preserving and reproducing its unique, unrivaled and inimitable type of morality and spirituality. Spiritual and moral safety of Russian young people is linked to the state of spiritual and moral sphere, the level of development of public culture and youth subculture. Young people are guarantors of spiritual welfare of the society and real potential of the changes that make up the vector of development of the Russian society, but due to age peculiarities they are very vulnerable and dependent on the changes in conditions of their integration into the available state of the society and on the existence of threats to spiritual and moral safety. In this context, the main challenges and threats to spiritual and moral safety of young people of modern Russia are the following: the collapse of the system of legal, social and moral regulation; socio-cultural split of monolithic culture and change of its homogeneous structure into a mosaic one; crisis of intergenerational relations; the ideological vacuum that was cultivated by communist ideology and the dismantlement of the system of agreement of opinion, which resulted from the collapse of communist ideology; massification of culture and its westernization; ideology of corruption and its downside is unrestrained consumption, imposed on young people as the highest moral value; insecurity of the majority of young Russians; socio-demographic crisis; institutional crisis and weakness of the socialization system; criminalization of behavior and consciousness of young generations of Russians; growth of social inequality and obvious, profound polarization of social strata of the Russian population; decrease in vitality, social feeling of the Russian population as a whole, and of young generations of Russia, in particular.

PurposeThe purpose of the paper is to determine the specifics of scientific discourse in the sphere of managing professional mobility of the Russian youth and to develop a cognitive scheme of sociological research of this problem.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use the potential of the stratification and activity approaches, the theory of multiplicity of professionalization, and multidimensional analysis as the most perspective method for sociological measuring of phenomena and processes in the professional sphere in the conditions of society's transformation.FindingsThe authors determine and study the key directions in the sphere of studying the professional mobility of the Russian youth and managing this process; substantiate the conceptual and methodological underdevelopment of this problem and offer the proprietary methodological strategy of its sociological study through distinguishing three stages of professional development of youth; substantiate the perspectives of its usage in studying the professional mobility of youth and constructing the effective policy of managing this process; outline the role of state and education in overcoming crisis factors of professional development of youth in the context of domination in the modern world and among the Russian youth.Research limitations/implicationsImportance of this research is predetermined by the need for theoretical consideration of top-priority directions in studying professional mobility of youth and the means of managing this process in view of the factors of crisis professionalization, unpreparedness of youth to adapt in spontaneous and quickly changing conditions of the labor market and absence of the conceptual sociological developments in this sphere.Originality/valueThe materials of the research and the offered cognitive scheme are aimed at formation of the methodological basis of studying the problem of managing the professional mobility of the Russian youth for the purpose of overcoming the crisis trajectory of professionalization of the Russian youth and increasing the effectiveness of its professional mobility in the conditions of increased mobility of the whole modern world.

Based on the empirical data of the repeated surveys conducted by the Sociological Laboratory of the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia, the authors consider the student youth typical answers to quite simple questions on the political interest and awareness as well as on the level of social trust in the most general interpretation of the term. According to the surveys data, since 2007 we cannot identify the students' value orientations as political apathy (which is typical for the Russian media), political unawareness or electoral ignorance. Moreover, the Moscow student youth consider themselves patriots and identify as grounds for their national pride the historical past, natural resources, cultural heritage and sports achievements, though not the development of the economic and social spheres, respect for human rights and freedoms, activities of the public authorities, and general standards of living. The authors believe that such pessimistic evaluation of the situation in the country is connected (if not determined) by the low level of social trust (or high level of social distrust), especially to the public administration and the officials of all kinds in general. The authors conducted an exploratory online opinion poll to reconstruct the social image of the civil servant in the Russian public opinion to explain the low level of social trust in the society and the stable proportion of young respondents claiming that the Russian state represents and defends the interests of the rich and the civil servants. The questionnaire consisted of the questions on the obligatory ethical principles that should be guiding for all state/municipal employees, on the grounds for considering the behavior of civil servants as unethical, on the requirements to the applicants for the public administration positions, on the appropriate ways to deal with cases of unethical behavior in the public administration bodies, on the social image of the civil servant and its determinants, etc. Although the youngest group (18-24-year-olds) proved to be the most optimistic one, it also easily reconstructs the negative image of the civil servant, who does not meet the professional and ethical requirements to this social-professional group, which does not consist of the most intelligent, talented and competent people in the country, not to mention the most honest, conscientious and descent ones.

The article deals with the problem of emergence and functioning of youth fascist groups in the USSR. The main reasons of their origination and the specific character of their functioning and ideological standing have been revealed by the author. The conclusions on peculiarities of the world outlook of the fascist groups members are given.