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In the midst of the American Revolution, the Founding Fathers began planning a new government. Wary of overreach, they created a weak central government through the Articles of Confederation that proved ineffective at keeping the new nation united. Today, states' rights are still debated, and people have different opinions on how weak the central government should be. Full-color photographs, sidebars, and fascinating fact boxes highlight the reasons why the Articles of Confederation failed. This helps readers think critically about the current debate over weak versus strong central government, which is highlighted in enlightening discussion questions.

After the last battle of the American Revolution was fought, the leaders of the young United States still faced an uphill battle: How to govern the new nation with its diverse citizens and conflicting viewpoints. This enlightening text will introduce readers to the Articles of Confederation, the first written document to establish the United States national government. Key details regarding the Articles of Confederation are discussed, including its accomplishments and shortcomings, in an approachable way that is both compelling and accessible to struggling readers. This lively text also features striking images, a constructive timeline, and intriguing fact boxes to make it a beneficial addition to any social studies collection.

The word "Confederation" is often used in a restrictive sense to refer merely to the "British North America Act"; in this restricted sense, it refers to the constitution of Canada. In its broader sense, it should refer to the union of the entire population of Canada, grouped together, on the one hand into provinces, and on the other hand into Canadians of French and English descent, for the attainment, the development, and the protection of interests common to all, while safeguarding for each group, whether province or race, the rights and traditions peculiar to it. These two understandings of Confederation are indispensable for a better comprehension of the attitude of French Canada towards it.Two lines of thought as to the understandings, agreements, pacts, or contracts—call them what you like—which were satisfactorily or unsatisfactorily formulated by the British North America Act must be noted. While for the majority of Anglo-Canadian constitutional authors the pacts of 1864, 1865, and 1866 were primarily made between provinces, one of which happened to be populated for the most part by Canadians of French descent, for French-Canadian constitutional writers these pacts were at one and the same time agreements between the four original provinces on the one hand and between the two great races on the other hand. The fact that Sir George Etienne Cartier and other French Fathers of Confederation did not, at the time, foresee that at some future date the provinces of Canada other than Quebec would also be populated by an important number of French Canadians, and that they consequently directed all their efforts for the safeguarding of the rights of French Canadians to securing for the province of Quebec the largest possible amount of independence, does not, in our opinion, change the above views on the matter.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- A New Country -- Difficulties and Divisions -- Governing Laws -- The Dickinson Draft -- Debating the Draft -- Ratification -- The 13 Articles -- Weaknesses -- Glossary -- For More Information -- Index -- Back Cover

Describes the Swiss confederation & its Constitution. The most distinct attribute of Switzerland is its cultural, linguistic, religious, & geographic diversity. Switzerland is a willensnation forged by its people's commitment to an ongoing renewal of their interconnections; it is this quality that makes the country a model of political integration. This commitment to unified diversity is expressed in the Constitution. Indeed, the Constitution's establishment of governmental institutions & its identification of Swiss democratic operations that permanently foster national integration & a federal polity responsive to its citizens. Tables. K. Coddon

This article extends the spatial model of voting to study the implications of different institutional structures of federalism along two dimensions: degree of centralization and mode of representation. The representation dimension varies the weight between unit representation (one state, one vote) and population-proportional representation (one person, one vote). Voters have incomplete information and can reduce policy risk by increasing the degree of centralization or increasing the weight on unit representation. We derive induced preferences over the degree of centralization and the relative weights of the two modes of representation, and we study the properties of majority rule voting over these two basic dimensions of federalism. Moderates prefer more centralization than extremists, and voters in large states generally have different preferences from voters in small states. This implies two main axes of conflict in decisions concerning political confederation: moderates versus extremists and large versus small states. (American Political Science Review / FUB)

This article extends the spatial model of voting to study the implications of different institutional structures of federalism along two dimensions: degree of centralization and mode of representation. The representation dimension varies the weight between unit representation (one state, one vote) and population-proportional representation (one person, one vote). Voters have incomplete information and can reduce policy risk by increasing the degree of centralization or increasing the weight on unit representation. We derive induced preferences over the degree of centralization and the relative weights of the two modes of representation, and we study the properties of majority rule voting over these two basic dimensions of federalism. Moderates prefer more centralization than extremists, and voters in large states generally have different preferences from voters in small states. This implies two main axes of conflict in decisions concerning political confederation: moderates versus extremists and large versus small states.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Russian political and military projects between 1789 and 1791. These projects were represented as different notes, letters, orders of Grigory Potemkin and foresaw the initiation and usage of the orthodox population of the south-eastern parts of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth revolts. They were precursory approved by Ekaterina II and were intended to be used in case of a war conflict with the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth if the force balance was unprofitable for Russia. Four main reasons that did not let these plans to be accomplished are specified in this work. Firstly, the weakening of the Russian influence among the dissidents of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth during the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792). Secondly, the changes on the global stage, that diminished the threat of simultaneous attack of several European countries on Russia, as well as the disadvantageous for G. Potemkin court conjuncture, that of the increased influence of the new favourite – Platon Zubov. And lastly – the French Revolution influence, which forced Ekaterina II to avoid supporting the lower class, which included most of the local orthodox population. In this article Ekaterina's II refusal to start the religious and class war in the Right-Bank Ukraine is considered as one of the factors leading to the alternative scenario of Russian military intervention in the internal affairs of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth – in the formation of Targowica confederation. ; К вопросу о том, почему конфессиональный фактор не стал определяющим во втором разделе Речи Посполитой. Статья посвящена анализу содержания российских военно-политических проектов 1789–1791 гг. по инициированию и использованию в собственных целях волнений православного населения в юго-восточных регионах Речи Посполитой. Эти проекты – представленные в виде различных записок, писем и распоряжений Г. А. Потёмкина – получили предварительное одобрение Екатерины II, которая была намерена использовать их в случае начала военного ...