International audience ; Although nuclear energy forms an important and controversial part of polar history, its uses and misuses have so far received little attention from professional historians. Especially mobile nuclear reactors, as deployed for instance on the Antarctic continent, played an important role in the conquest of the polar regions. The Antarctic case presented here allows to illustrate the large diversity of issues involved in the American mobile nuclear reactor programme, ranging from economic considerations, over military strategy, to environmental and health concerns. During several decades, mobile nuclear power reactors were considered a cheap and clean solution, yet as this essay shows, history proved otherwise. None of the economic targets were met and in the case of the Antarctic reactor, repeated failures and even radioactive leakages lead finally to the shutdown of the whole programme. ; Même si l'énergie nucléaire joue un rôle important et controversé dans l'histoire polaire, son usage et son mésusage ont reçu très peu d'attention de la part des historiens. Les réacteurs nucléaires mobiles en particulier, tels qu'ils ont été mis en oeuvre sur le continent antarctique, ont occupé une fonction cruciale dans la conquête des régions polaires. Le cas antarctique présenté ici permet d'illustrer la grande diversité des éléments invoqués dans le programme étatsunien de réacteurs nucléaires mobiles, allant de considérations économiques, en passant par la stratégie militaire, à des inquiétudes environnementales et de santé publique. Pendant plusieurs décennies, les réacteurs nucléaires mobiles ont été considérés une solution peu couteuse et propre, mais comme nous allons arguer ci-dessous, l'histoire en a voulu autrement. Aucun des objectifs économiques ne fut atteint et dans le cas du réacteur en Antarctique, de nombreuses coupures et même des fuites radioactives ont amené enfin à l'abandon du programme.
L'accord interprofessionnel pour 2009-2010 conclu fin décembre 2008 est très marqué par l'aggravation soudaine du contexte socio-économique au moment même où les interlocuteurs sociaux devaient se réunir pour négocier. Tout au long de l'année, et déjà en mars 2008 à l'occasion de la formation du gouvernement Leterme I, la tension avait été vive entre eux. Michel Capron rappelle le cadre dans lequel s'exerce la liberté de négociation et le rôle qu'y joue le gouvernement fédéral : si les interlocuteurs sociaux s'entendent sur un projet d'accord, c'est en formulant parallèlement des demandes au gouvernement fédéral, qui doit tenir compte de sa politique budgétaire. L'auteur décrit les positions en présence et le déroulement des négociations en vue d'un accord que les interlocuteurs sociaux ont eux-mêmes qualifié d'« exceptionnel ». Il l'est en effet d'abord par l'intervention d'un médiateur, qui a remis en présence les interlocuteurs sociaux qui s'étaient séparés devant l'échec d'une première phase de négociation. Il l'est aussi par le montant particulièrement élevé de l'intervention financière du gouvernement fédéral, qui considère l'accord comme une pièce maîtresse de son propre Plan de relance de l'économie.
L'absent a toujours tort. A fortiori s'il rate la révolution qui chante dans son pays, quitté pour le Nouveau Monde. Abdallah Benadouda tente, avec un brin de mauvaise foi, de faire mentir l'adage en livrant une ode à son pays et à son peuple et rétablit ainsi la voix de l'absent qui n'en croit pas ses yeux face au surgissement du monde nouveau.
Comprend : Aperçus de l'évaluation à mi-parcours du plan de développement rural national / Bruno Vindel, Nicolas Gergely - L'évaluation de la politique de soutien à l'agroenvironnement : une politique à l'efficacité contrastée qui mérite clarification et amélioration / Laurent Barbut, Jean-François Baschet - L'évaluation du Contrat Territorial d'Exploitation (CTE) : un outil novateur pour favoriser la multifonctionnalité de l'agriculture et engager une redistribution des soutiens / Ghislaine Urbano, Dominique Vollet - L'évaluation de la politique de développement des zones rurales dans le cadre du règlement de développement rural (RDR) / Ghislaine Urbano, Lucille Carrouée ; Appartient à l'ensemble documentaire : BnSP000
As the concept of "territorial development" is still relatively ambiguous, this thesis proposes both a more rigorous and widerapproach than merely identifying it with the "economic development on a local area". Our analysis goes through four distinct phases, each ofthem being dealt with in a different chapter.First, a brief historical analysis of relations between economic and political thoughts, in the sense of community affairsmanagement, emphasizes the reasons which allowed the economic sphere to progressively become more and more influential to the point toestablish itself as the finality of development and go over its status of a "tool". Indeed, upon certain conditions, this shift can be justified,namely in presence of some scarcity of means in order to satisfy one's own needs.Because making the concept of territorial development rely only on the economic aspect leads to implicitly consider the condition ofscarcity as permanent, we wished to verify if the current approaches to the economic theory were capable of taking into account the affluenceof developed countries. To this purpose, we relaxed the non-satiety hypothesis, which is implicit both in the convexity of the indifferencecurves in microeconomics and in the "psychological law" of Keynes' General Theory.The extension of the economic theory to the condition of satiety, which was deeply looked into theoretically and checked against thereality all through the thesis, makes us gain a very unusual insight into economic phenomena. And, once the analysis was opened to therelations between different territories, we were able to demonstrate, from a purely economic point of view, the contradictory nature of theeconomic goals of development.Finally, taking territories as "social constructs", the thesis suggests an alternative proposition, based on the freedoms to be and tomake, and their progressive enlargement, in a way close to Sen's capability approach, yet not being a reduction of it. The proposed approachcouples coherently the economic and the ...
As the concept of "territorial development" is still relatively ambiguous, this thesis proposes both a more rigorous and widerapproach than merely identifying it with the "economic development on a local area". Our analysis goes through four distinct phases, each ofthem being dealt with in a different chapter.First, a brief historical analysis of relations between economic and political thoughts, in the sense of community affairsmanagement, emphasizes the reasons which allowed the economic sphere to progressively become more and more influential to the point toestablish itself as the finality of development and go over its status of a "tool". Indeed, upon certain conditions, this shift can be justified,namely in presence of some scarcity of means in order to satisfy one's own needs.Because making the concept of territorial development rely only on the economic aspect leads to implicitly consider the condition ofscarcity as permanent, we wished to verify if the current approaches to the economic theory were capable of taking into account the affluenceof developed countries. To this purpose, we relaxed the non-satiety hypothesis, which is implicit both in the convexity of the indifferencecurves in microeconomics and in the "psychological law" of Keynes' General Theory.The extension of the economic theory to the condition of satiety, which was deeply looked into theoretically and checked against thereality all through the thesis, makes us gain a very unusual insight into economic phenomena. And, once the analysis was opened to therelations between different territories, we were able to demonstrate, from a purely economic point of view, the contradictory nature of theeconomic goals of development.Finally, taking territories as "social constructs", the thesis suggests an alternative proposition, based on the freedoms to be and tomake, and their progressive enlargement, in a way close to Sen's capability approach, yet not being a reduction of it. The proposed approachcouples coherently the economic and the non-economic spheres, in a development perspective which integrates completely the concept ofsustainability according to the proposition of the Brundtland Report, 1987, and it is summarized by a new synthetic development index, the"development space creation". ; Partant du constat de la nature encore relativement ambiguë du concept de développement territorial, cette thèse en propose uneapproche à la fois plus rigoureuse et plus large que la simple identification de ce dernier avec le développement économique. Le chemind'analyse choisi s'articule en quatre phases, chacune traitée dans un chapitre différent.Tout d'abord, par le biais d'une brève analyse historique des relations entre la pensée politique, au sens de la gestion des affaires dela cité, et la pensée économique, ce travail met en lumière les raisons qui ont permis au fur et à mesure à la sphère économique de s'imposer,et de revêtir ainsi le rôle de finalité du développement quittant celui de simple instrument. Et, en effet, à certaines conditions, l'amalgamepeut être justifié, notamment en présence d'insuffisance des moyens de chacun pour assurer la couverture de ses propres besoins.Puisque le fait de faire reposer le développement des territoires sur l'aspect économique conduit implicitement à considérer commepérenne cette condition d'insuffisance, nous avons souhaité vérifier si les approches les plus courantes de la théorie économique étaient enmesure de prendre en compte les situations d'opulence. À cette fin, nous avons relâché l'hypothèse de non-satiété, qui est implicite tant dansla convexité des courbes d'indifférence en microéconomie que dans la « loi psychologique » de la Théorie Générale de Keynes.L'élargissement de la théorie économique à la condition de satiété, creusée sur le plan théorique et confrontée à la réalité au cours dela thèse, conduit à avoir un regard très éloigné des représentations habituelles des faits économiques. Et, une fois l'analyse élargie auxrelations entre territoires différents, on peut démontrer, à partir d'une perspective purement économique, la nature contradictoire des finalitéséconomiques du développement.Enfin, adoptant l'optique des territoires comme « construits sociaux », la thèse avance une proposition alternative, fondée sur leslibertés d'être et de faire et leur élargissement progressif, selon une logique voisine de l'approche par les capabilités d'A.Sen, sans pourautant s'y réduire. Cette démarche permet de mettre en cohérence l'économique et le non économique, dans une perspective qui intègrepleinement le concept de durabilité selon la proposition du Rapport Brundtland de 1987 et qui se cristallise dans un nouvel indicateursynthétique de développement, la « création d'espace de développement ».
As the concept of "territorial development" is still relatively ambiguous, this thesis proposes both a more rigorous and widerapproach than merely identifying it with the "economic development on a local area". Our analysis goes through four distinct phases, each ofthem being dealt with in a different chapter.First, a brief historical analysis of relations between economic and political thoughts, in the sense of community affairsmanagement, emphasizes the reasons which allowed the economic sphere to progressively become more and more influential to the point toestablish itself as the finality of development and go over its status of a "tool". Indeed, upon certain conditions, this shift can be justified,namely in presence of some scarcity of means in order to satisfy one's own needs.Because making the concept of territorial development rely only on the economic aspect leads to implicitly consider the condition ofscarcity as permanent, we wished to verify if the current approaches to the economic theory were capable of taking into account the affluenceof developed countries. To this purpose, we relaxed the non-satiety hypothesis, which is implicit both in the convexity of the indifferencecurves in microeconomics and in the "psychological law" of Keynes' General Theory.The extension of the economic theory to the condition of satiety, which was deeply looked into theoretically and checked against thereality all through the thesis, makes us gain a very unusual insight into economic phenomena. And, once the analysis was opened to therelations between different territories, we were able to demonstrate, from a purely economic point of view, the contradictory nature of theeconomic goals of development.Finally, taking territories as "social constructs", the thesis suggests an alternative proposition, based on the freedoms to be and tomake, and their progressive enlargement, in a way close to Sen's capability approach, yet not being a reduction of it. The proposed approachcouples coherently the economic and the ...
As the concept of "territorial development" is still relatively ambiguous, this thesis proposes both a more rigorous and widerapproach than merely identifying it with the "economic development on a local area". Our analysis goes through four distinct phases, each ofthem being dealt with in a different chapter.First, a brief historical analysis of relations between economic and political thoughts, in the sense of community affairsmanagement, emphasizes the reasons which allowed the economic sphere to progressively become more and more influential to the point toestablish itself as the finality of development and go over its status of a "tool". Indeed, upon certain conditions, this shift can be justified,namely in presence of some scarcity of means in order to satisfy one's own needs.Because making the concept of territorial development rely only on the economic aspect leads to implicitly consider the condition ofscarcity as permanent, we wished to verify if the current approaches to the economic theory were capable of taking into account the affluenceof developed countries. To this purpose, we relaxed the non-satiety hypothesis, which is implicit both in the convexity of the indifferencecurves in microeconomics and in the "psychological law" of Keynes' General Theory.The extension of the economic theory to the condition of satiety, which was deeply looked into theoretically and checked against thereality all through the thesis, makes us gain a very unusual insight into economic phenomena. And, once the analysis was opened to therelations between different territories, we were able to demonstrate, from a purely economic point of view, the contradictory nature of theeconomic goals of development.Finally, taking territories as "social constructs", the thesis suggests an alternative proposition, based on the freedoms to be and tomake, and their progressive enlargement, in a way close to Sen's capability approach, yet not being a reduction of it. The proposed approachcouples coherently the economic and the ...
Brest, harbour city and military arsenal, was a city where some individuals managed public and private careers at the same time sometimes by relying on political circumstances.Under the Ancien Régime, traders and jurists controlled the municipal sphere but they were dominated by the social elites (naval officers, Navy quartermasters, Army nobility) who constituted the gist of the power in the city.With the Revolution, a new political personnel was set up, we attended to a renewal of the elites. The Army nobility lost its positions, former notables were relegated to a subordinate role and a new generation of notabilities stemming from revolutionary changes was still very present when the monarchy came back in 1815.The link between institutional evolutions and the political careers of elites enables us to draw up a precise state of local political and social structurings that occurred during these seventy years.During this period, Brest's municipal elites succeeded in imposing upon their fellow countrymen but did not manage to impose their views concerning relations with superior authorities. They were always under a military governor or a direct representative of the state. The municipal power underwent changes and knew important fluctuations in the reality of its powers and in its degree of autonomy. ; Brest, ville portuaire et arsenal militaire, est une cité où quelques individus mènent de front une carrière publique et privée en s'appuyant parfois sur les circonstances politiques.Sous l'Ancien Régime, négociants et hommes de loi contrôlent la sphère municipale mais sont dominés par les élites sociales (officiers de marine, intendants de marine, noblesse de l'armée de terre) qui constituent l'essence du pouvoir dans la ville.Avec la Révolution, un nouveau personnel politique se met en place, on assiste alors à un renouvellement des élites. La noblesse militaire perd ses positions, les anciens notables se trouvent relégués à un rôle subalterne et une nouvelle génération de notabilités issue des changements ...
Brest, harbour city and military arsenal, was a city where some individuals managed public and private careers at the same time sometimes by relying on political circumstances.Under the Ancien Régime, traders and jurists controlled the municipal sphere but they were dominated by the social elites (naval officers, Navy quartermasters, Army nobility) who constituted the gist of the power in the city.With the Revolution, a new political personnel was set up, we attended to a renewal of the elites. The Army nobility lost its positions, former notables were relegated to a subordinate role and a new generation of notabilities stemming from revolutionary changes was still very present when the monarchy came back in 1815.The link between institutional evolutions and the political careers of elites enables us to draw up a precise state of local political and social structurings that occurred during these seventy years.During this period, Brest's municipal elites succeeded in imposing upon their fellow countrymen but did not manage to impose their views concerning relations with superior authorities. They were always under a military governor or a direct representative of the state. The municipal power underwent changes and knew important fluctuations in the reality of its powers and in its degree of autonomy. ; Brest, ville portuaire et arsenal militaire, est une cité où quelques individus mènent de front une carrière publique et privée en s'appuyant parfois sur les circonstances politiques.Sous l'Ancien Régime, négociants et hommes de loi contrôlent la sphère municipale mais sont dominés par les élites sociales (officiers de marine, intendants de marine, noblesse de l'armée de terre) qui constituent l'essence du pouvoir dans la ville.Avec la Révolution, un nouveau personnel politique se met en place, on assiste alors à un renouvellement des élites. La noblesse militaire perd ses positions, les anciens notables se trouvent relégués à un rôle subalterne et une nouvelle génération de notabilités issue des changements ...