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Corruption is a function of its return relative to engaging in productive activities. This paper presents an approach for thinking about the institutional features of societies and the resulting amount of corruption. The empirical results suggest that political competition is more important than competition in information-producing industries. The rent-seeking view of the relation between government and corruption is rejected in favor of the Becker (1983) model of political competition. The paper suggests that societies that continually stay open to productivity-enhancing activities will eventually enter a takeoff stage of anti-corruption efforts analogous to the eventual improvement in income distribution that occurs in successful industrialization.

Findings from a study that implemented real-world negotiations programs into US middle & high schools that were monitored by a simulation control person are reported. Simulations (N = 8; N = 5 in middle schools) created by the GlobalEd Project at the U of Connecticut were implemented in middle & high schools over a two-year interval. Whereas a majority of the respondents from the middle schools supported the inclusion of a simulation control person, a similar majority of participants from high schools were disinclined to advocate the use of a mediating presence. Whereas many middle school students believed that the mediator facilitated negotiations & enhanced the educational process, it is disclosed that high school students articulated concerns about who would monitor the simulation control person & questioned the necessity of the mediator to real-world negotiations. Various explanations for this discrepancy in the study's results are offered. In addition, several recommendations for future research & policy making in the global community are offered. 1 Figure. J. W. Parker

Sources of state revenue have a major impact on patterns of state formation. This proposition from fiscal sociologyis valid and convincing in the context of western European history and comparisons among contemporary states in the South. This article investigates the extent to which we can conclude that the quality of governance in contemporary developing countries might improve if states were more dependent for their financial resources on domestic taxpayers. The radically different context of contemporary third-world states cautions against too firm conclusions.