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Since the early 2000's, gardened vacant lands – i.e. interstitial lots characterized by obsolete land-use, temporarily taken over and vegetalised by inhabitants – have emerged in France. The regulation by municipalities of such initiatives yields an institutional construct designated as jardin partagé. Gardened vacant land constitutes a specific type of jardin partagé because they are developed on a temporary and vacant lot. The thesis addresses gardened vacant land as territorial marker of social and political processes of "producing" and "living" the contemporary city. The thesis combines qualitative and quantitative methodologies based on 48 case-studies, located in the north-eastern Île-de-France. As argued, the institutionalization of associative gardened areas is an unprecedented fact. Yet, while theses spaces are co-produced and then users are fully involved in the management of vacant gardened, they have a limited role in the decision making process. If the diffusion of institutionalized gardened vacant lands certainly reflects a political commitment, it also emphasizes the increasing profits produced by such negotiated land-use, that are instrumental for municipalities, in order to promote increased safety, enhanced political outreach, and beautification. Finally, social and environmental impacts vary depending on several conditions. On the one hand, the emergence of social bonding is limited to the space of the garden, due to its hybrid status of "club". On the other hand, gardened vacant lands are rather understood as a toolbox, in order to enhance the quality of life, the environmental education, as well as territories dedicated to ecology and biodiversity. ; Au début des années 2000, on assiste en France au développement de vacants jardinés : des espaces interstitiels, dont les anciennes utilisations du sol sont caduques, temporairement conquis et végétalisés par les habitants. L'institutionnalisation de ces initiatives par les municipalités donne naissance au jardin partagé, dont le vacant jardiné ...

Since the early 2000's, gardened vacant lands – i.e. interstitial lots characterized by obsolete land-use, temporarily taken over and vegetalised by inhabitants – have emerged in France. The regulation by municipalities of such initiatives yields an institutional construct designated as jardin partagé. Gardened vacant land constitutes a specific type of jardin partagé because they are developed on a temporary and vacant lot. The thesis addresses gardened vacant land as territorial marker of social and political processes of "producing" and "living" the contemporary city. The thesis combines qualitative and quantitative methodologies based on 48 case-studies, located in the north-eastern Île-de-France. As argued, the institutionalization of associative gardened areas is an unprecedented fact. Yet, while theses spaces are co-produced and then users are fully involved in the management of vacant gardened, they have a limited role in the decision making process. If the diffusion of institutionalized gardened vacant lands certainly reflects a political commitment, it also emphasizes the increasing profits produced by such negotiated land-use, that are instrumental for municipalities, in order to promote increased safety, enhanced political outreach, and beautification. Finally, social and environmental impacts vary depending on several conditions. On the one hand, the emergence of social bonding is limited to the space of the garden, due to its hybrid status of "club". On the other hand, gardened vacant lands are rather understood as a toolbox, in order to enhance the quality of life, the environmental education, as well as territories dedicated to ecology and biodiversity. ; Au début des années 2000, on assiste en France au développement de vacants jardinés : des espaces interstitiels, dont les anciennes utilisations du sol sont caduques, temporairement conquis et végétalisés par les habitants. L'institutionnalisation de ces initiatives par les municipalités donne naissance au jardin partagé, dont le vacant jardiné constitue un type spécifique installé sur un terrain vacant et temporaire. Cette thèse vise à appréhender le vacant jardiné comme un outil d'analyse privilégié du « faire » et du « vivre » la ville contemporaine grâce à une étude, combinant méthodologies qualitatives et quantitatives, fondée sur 48 sites du nord-est de l'Île-de-France. Nous montrons ainsi que l'encadrement de jardins associatifs par les municipalités est un fait inédit. Toutefois, bien que ces territoires soient coproduits et que les usagers participent pleinement à la gestion du vacant jardiné, ils ont un rôle limité dans la prise de décision. Si le développement des vacants jardinés institutionnalisés témoigne d'un engagement politique, il s'inscrit aussi dans des stratégies de rentabilisation accrue des espaces urbains qui présentent des bénéfices certains pour les municipalités en termes d'embellissement, de sécurisation et d'image politique. Enfin, les impacts sociaux et environnementaux sont à relativiser. D'une part, la création de liens sociaux est circonscrite à l'espace du jardin, en raison de son statut hybride relevant du « club ». D'autre part, les vacants jardinés sont davantage envisagés comme des outils d'amélioration du cadre de vie et de sensibilisation à l'environnement que comme des territoires écologiques et biodiversité effectifs.

Since the early 2000's, gardened vacant lands – i.e. interstitial lots characterized by obsolete land-use, temporarily taken over and vegetalised by inhabitants – have emerged in France. The regulation by municipalities of such initiatives yields an institutional construct designated as jardin partagé. Gardened vacant land constitutes a specific type of jardin partagé because they are developed on a temporary and vacant lot. The thesis addresses gardened vacant land as territorial marker of social and political processes of "producing" and "living" the contemporary city. The thesis combines qualitative and quantitative methodologies based on 48 case-studies, located in the north-eastern Île-de-France. As argued, the institutionalization of associative gardened areas is an unprecedented fact. Yet, while theses spaces are co-produced and then users are fully involved in the management of vacant gardened, they have a limited role in the decision making process. If the diffusion of institutionalized gardened vacant lands certainly reflects a political commitment, it also emphasizes the increasing profits produced by such negotiated land-use, that are instrumental for municipalities, in order to promote increased safety, enhanced political outreach, and beautification. Finally, social and environmental impacts vary depending on several conditions. On the one hand, the emergence of social bonding is limited to the space of the garden, due to its hybrid status of "club". On the other hand, gardened vacant lands are rather understood as a toolbox, in order to enhance the quality of life, the environmental education, as well as territories dedicated to ecology and biodiversity. ; Au début des années 2000, on assiste en France au développement de vacants jardinés : des espaces interstitiels, dont les anciennes utilisations du sol sont caduques, temporairement conquis et végétalisés par les habitants. L'institutionnalisation de ces initiatives par les municipalités donne naissance au jardin partagé, dont le vacant jardiné ...

Since the early 2000's, gardened vacant lands – i.e. interstitial lots characterized by obsolete land-use, temporarily taken over and vegetalised by inhabitants – have emerged in France. The regulation by municipalities of such initiatives yields an institutional construct designated as jardin partagé. Gardened vacant land constitutes a specific type of jardin partagé because they are developed on a temporary and vacant lot. The thesis addresses gardened vacant land as territorial marker of social and political processes of "producing" and "living" the contemporary city. The thesis combines qualitative and quantitative methodologies based on 48 case-studies, located in the north-eastern Île-de-France. As argued, the institutionalization of associative gardened areas is an unprecedented fact. Yet, while theses spaces are co-produced and then users are fully involved in the management of vacant gardened, they have a limited role in the decision making process. If the diffusion of institutionalized gardened vacant lands certainly reflects a political commitment, it also emphasizes the increasing profits produced by such negotiated land-use, that are instrumental for municipalities, in order to promote increased safety, enhanced political outreach, and beautification. Finally, social and environmental impacts vary depending on several conditions. On the one hand, the emergence of social bonding is limited to the space of the garden, due to its hybrid status of "club". On the other hand, gardened vacant lands are rather understood as a toolbox, in order to enhance the quality of life, the environmental education, as well as territories dedicated to ecology and biodiversity. ; Au début des années 2000, on assiste en France au développement de vacants jardinés : des espaces interstitiels, dont les anciennes utilisations du sol sont caduques, temporairement conquis et végétalisés par les habitants. L'institutionnalisation de ces initiatives par les municipalités donne naissance au jardin partagé, dont le vacant jardiné constitue un type spécifique installé sur un terrain vacant et temporaire. Cette thèse vise à appréhender le vacant jardiné comme un outil d'analyse privilégié du « faire » et du « vivre » la ville contemporaine grâce à une étude, combinant méthodologies qualitatives et quantitatives, fondée sur 48 sites du nord-est de l'Île-de-France. Nous montrons ainsi que l'encadrement de jardins associatifs par les municipalités est un fait inédit. Toutefois, bien que ces territoires soient coproduits et que les usagers participent pleinement à la gestion du vacant jardiné, ils ont un rôle limité dans la prise de décision. Si le développement des vacants jardinés institutionnalisés témoigne d'un engagement politique, il s'inscrit aussi dans des stratégies de rentabilisation accrue des espaces urbains qui présentent des bénéfices certains pour les municipalités en termes d'embellissement, de sécurisation et d'image politique. Enfin, les impacts sociaux et environnementaux sont à relativiser. D'une part, la création de liens sociaux est circonscrite à l'espace du jardin, en raison de son statut hybride relevant du « club ». D'autre part, les vacants jardinés sont davantage envisagés comme des outils d'amélioration du cadre de vie et de sensibilisation à l'environnement que comme des territoires écologiques et biodiversité effectifs.

From the 2000s, one can observe an increase of litigations putting at stake a potential conflict between EU law and national constitutional laws. Facing this situation of real – and no longer only theoretical – constitutional tensions, the ECJ and the national high courts find themselves in an ontological stalemate. On one side, status quo is not bearable, because the happening of an open constitutional conflict could endangered the whole EU. On the other side, the paradigm of the hierarchy of norms doesn't allow any legal solution to escape from this status quo. Contrary to neofunctionalist predictions, our study, which develops a constructivist approach, shows that judicial actors don't deepen the legal integration by recognizing an absolute EU law's supremacy, but shift from a legal mode of regulation of constitutional conflict risks to an extra-legal mode, that we call the constitutional governance of judges, based on informal mechanisms of cognitive convergence and socializations. Identity becomes a dependent variable. Moreover, they institute informal spaces for dialogue governed by communicative rationality, according to the Habermassian meaning. The culture of judicial dialogue changes as well: judicial actors develop a semantic of the common belonging and a moral of shared responsibility, and tend to form a judicial security community based on the certainty that constitutional conflict would always be peacefully solved. ; Au tournant des années 2000, on observe une augmentation des litiges mettant en jeu un conflit potentiel entre le droit de l'UE et les droits constitutionnels nationaux. Face à cette situation de tensions constitutionnelles, réelles et plus seulement théoriques, la CJUE et les juridictions suprêmes nationales se retrouvent dans une situation d'impasse ontologique au sens où, d'une part, le statu quo est intenable, car le surgissement d'un conflit constitutionnel ouvert mettrait en danger tout l'édifice européen et, d'autre part, toute solution juridique de sortie du statu quo est ...

From the 2000s, one can observe an increase of litigations putting at stake a potential conflict between EU law and national constitutional laws. Facing this situation of real – and no longer only theoretical – constitutional tensions, the ECJ and the national high courts find themselves in an ontological stalemate. On one side, status quo is not bearable, because the happening of an open constitutional conflict could endangered the whole EU. On the other side, the paradigm of the hierarchy of norms doesn't allow any legal solution to escape from this status quo. Contrary to neofunctionalist predictions, our study, which develops a constructivist approach, shows that judicial actors don't deepen the legal integration by recognizing an absolute EU law's supremacy, but shift from a legal mode of regulation of constitutional conflict risks to an extra-legal mode, that we call the constitutional governance of judges, based on informal mechanisms of cognitive convergence and socializations. Identity becomes a dependent variable. Moreover, they institute informal spaces for dialogue governed by communicative rationality, according to the Habermassian meaning. The culture of judicial dialogue changes as well: judicial actors develop a semantic of the common belonging and a moral of shared responsibility, and tend to form a judicial security community based on the certainty that constitutional conflict would always be peacefully solved. ; Au tournant des années 2000, on observe une augmentation des litiges mettant en jeu un conflit potentiel entre le droit de l'UE et les droits constitutionnels nationaux. Face à cette situation de tensions constitutionnelles, réelles et plus seulement théoriques, la CJUE et les juridictions suprêmes nationales se retrouvent dans une situation d'impasse ontologique au sens où, d'une part, le statu quo est intenable, car le surgissement d'un conflit constitutionnel ouvert mettrait en danger tout l'édifice européen et, d'autre part, toute solution juridique de sortie du statu quo est ...

From the 2000s, one can observe an increase of litigations putting at stake a potential conflict between EU law and national constitutional laws. Facing this situation of real – and no longer only theoretical – constitutional tensions, the ECJ and the national high courts find themselves in an ontological stalemate. On one side, status quo is not bearable, because the happening of an open constitutional conflict could endangered the whole EU. On the other side, the paradigm of the hierarchy of norms doesn't allow any legal solution to escape from this status quo. Contrary to neofunctionalist predictions, our study, which develops a constructivist approach, shows that judicial actors don't deepen the legal integration by recognizing an absolute EU law's supremacy, but shift from a legal mode of regulation of constitutional conflict risks to an extra-legal mode, that we call the constitutional governance of judges, based on informal mechanisms of cognitive convergence and socializations. Identity becomes a dependent variable. Moreover, they institute informal spaces for dialogue governed by communicative rationality, according to the Habermassian meaning. The culture of judicial dialogue changes as well: judicial actors develop a semantic of the common belonging and a moral of shared responsibility, and tend to form a judicial security community based on the certainty that constitutional conflict would always be peacefully solved. ; Au tournant des années 2000, on observe une augmentation des litiges mettant en jeu un conflit potentiel entre le droit de l'UE et les droits constitutionnels nationaux. Face à cette situation de tensions constitutionnelles, réelles et plus seulement théoriques, la CJUE et les juridictions suprêmes nationales se retrouvent dans une situation d'impasse ontologique au sens où, d'une part, le statu quo est intenable, car le surgissement d'un conflit constitutionnel ouvert mettrait en danger tout l'édifice européen et, d'autre part, toute solution juridique de sortie du statu quo est impensable car hors de ce que permet le paradigme de la hiérarchie des normes. Contrairement aux prédictions de la théorie néofonctionnaliste, notre étude, qui développe une approche constructiviste, montre que les acteurs juridictionnels ne vont pas approfondir l'intégration juridique en reconnaissant la primauté absolue du droit de l'UE, mais vont passer d'un mode de régulation juridique du risque de conflit constitutionnel à un mode de régulation extra-judidique, la gouvernance constitutionnelle des juges, basé sur des mécanismes informels de convergence cognitive et de socialisation. L'identité devient une variable dépendante. Plus que cela, ils instituent un espace de dialogue informel régi par la rationalité communicationnelle, au sens habermassien. La culture du dialogue des juges change également en ce que les acteurs juridictionnels développent une sémantique de l'appartenance commune, ainsi qu'une axiologie de co-responsabilité, et tendent à former une communauté de sécurité juridictionnelle fondée sur la certitude d'une règlement pacifique des différends constitutionnels.

in 2001, after six years of work carried out by academics and officials of the European Commission, the White Paper on European Governance was published. The concept of participation plays a fundamental role in this. An in-depth analysis of the corresponding publications of the European Commission makes it possible to take a look at the speech of European participatory governance. This misunderstanding sheds light on the many convergences between this rhetoric and the wider landscape. This discourse can be understood as an attempt to imagine and shape a political system designed to govern the peoples of the European Union, in a historical phase of domination of the natural world in Europe. ; En 2001, après six ans de travaux préparatoires menés par des universitaires et des fonctionnaires de la Commission européenne, paraît le Livre Blanc sur la gouvernance européenne. La notion de participation y joue un rôle fondamental. Une analyse sémantique approfondie de publications correspondantes de la Commission européenne permet de caractériser en détail le discours de la gouvernance participative européenne. Cette caractérisation met en lumière les nombreuses convergences entre ce discours et l'idéologie néolibérale. Ce discours peut s'entendre comme une tentative d'imaginer et de légitimer un système politique destiné à gouverner les populations de l'Union européenne, dans une phase historique de domination de l'idéologie néolibérale en Europe.

The objective of this study was to explore the emerging contradiction between on the one hand, the water policy conducted in Cameroon since independence and secondly, the urban realities of "informal" water control and use on the other. The concepts of "governance" and "community" were used to analyze how people individually or collectively claimed, their water rights and how such claims were legitimized while the negotiability/flexibility and hybrid concepts were used to analyze how resource rights and access are negotiated (informal and formal) and contested in view of changing conditions. The concept of "civil society" was used to reflect the multiscale nature of power and its standardization in networks of daily life, thereby regulating the practices and social relations. Results show that there are a number of local level institutional arrangements that govern access to potable water in communities which may vary depending on the source, ownership (privately owned or communally owned) interest and the purpose for which the water will be used. Traditional leaders, "elected" leaders and the relevant water point committees tend to complement each other in developing institutional arrangements and enforcing these. The study concludes that the informality of institutions and property rights in small town water governance harbor complex socio-economic situations, which is a common feature in the three study sites (Bali, Bafou and Kumbo), where rights overlap in both time and space with a variety of different degrees of intensity being applied in the management of different water schemes. Such processes are not predictable, because of the specific characteristics of each community, and one has to deal with setbacks and conflicts. ; L'objectif de cette étude consistait à explorer la contradiction naissante entre d'une part, la politique de l'eau menée au Cameroun depuis l'indépendance et d'autre part, les réalités urbaines de contrôle et d'usage informels de l'eau. Les concepts de « gouvernance » et de « communauté ...

In the middle of an ecological and socio-economic imbalance context, strategies and policies are designed at different institutional levels. The objective is to move towards a model of sustainable development. Studying the metabolism allows us to know, partially, the way a territory works according to different flows of materials and energy. However, this knowledge about the ecological consequences of a territory, is hardly set in relation to major societal issues and different roles involved during these exchanges. Working towards a global rebalancing, is a question of ensuring compliance with the principles of fairness, justice and freedom answering the basic needs of actors. The construction of a collective interest appears as an answer to define and to implement sustainability policies, which are territorial and global issues. One of the hypothesis is that the modes of interaction of cooperative behaviors help and promote the construction of the collective interest. The purpose of this work is to try to understand how a metabolism study could be mobilized to participate in a process of territorial sustainable construction. The research is based on the work in the field accomplished all over "ANR Villes Durables Confluent Project" as well as on alimentary supply chain ; Dans un contexte de déséquilibres écologiques et socio-économiques, des stratégies et politiques sont conçues à différentes échelles institutionnelles pour tendre vers un modèle de développement soutenable. Une étude de métabolisme permet, par la mesure de certains flux de matières et d'énergie, d'appréhender le fonctionnement d'un territoire d'un point de vue physique. Cependant, cette connaissance sur les conséquences écologiques d'un territoire est difficilement mise en lien avec les grandes questions sociétales et les jeux d'acteurs impliqués dans ces échanges. Afin de tendre vers un rééquilibrage global, il est donc question de garantir le respect des principes d'équité, de justice et de liberté dans les réponses apportées aux besoins ...

The objective of this study was to explore the emerging contradiction between on the one hand, the water policy conducted in Cameroon since independence and secondly, the urban realities of "informal" water control and use on the other. The concepts of "governance" and "community" were used to analyze how people individually or collectively claimed, their water rights and how such claims were legitimized while the negotiability/flexibility and hybrid concepts were used to analyze how resource rights and access are negotiated (informal and formal) and contested in view of changing conditions. The concept of "civil society" was used to reflect the multiscale nature of power and its standardization in networks of daily life, thereby regulating the practices and social relations. Results show that there are a number of local level institutional arrangements that govern access to potable water in communities which may vary depending on the source, ownership (privately owned or communally owned) interest and the purpose for which the water will be used. Traditional leaders, "elected" leaders and the relevant water point committees tend to complement each other in developing institutional arrangements and enforcing these. The study concludes that the informality of institutions and property rights in small town water governance harbor complex socio-economic situations, which is a common feature in the three study sites (Bali, Bafou and Kumbo), where rights overlap in both time and space with a variety of different degrees of intensity being applied in the management of different water schemes. Such processes are not predictable, because of the specific characteristics of each community, and one has to deal with setbacks and conflicts. ; L'objectif de cette étude consistait à explorer la contradiction naissante entre d'une part, la politique de l'eau menée au Cameroun depuis l'indépendance et d'autre part, les réalités urbaines de contrôle et d'usage informels de l'eau. Les concepts de « gouvernance » et de « communauté ...