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International audience ; This paper studies the consequences of urban governance renewal in City of Las Vegas (Nevada) under the influence of businessman Tony Hsieh and the independent structure he founded, the Downtown Project. We argue that those actors can be considered as innovators because they depart from the traditional practices of urban planning in terms of entrepreneurial career-path, discourses as well as methods. Through the example of City of Las Vegas, we intend to highlight the urbanistic and social consequences of a renewed urban governance, which is a political process. Thus this paper questions the capacity for innovation included in Tony Hsieh's and the Downtown Project's urban planning project. It concludes on its mixed results: if the urban vision can be called an urbanistic innovation, it fails to produce social innovation in the field. ; Cet article étudie les conséquences du renouvellement de la gouvernance urbaine dans un contexte de transformations du centre-ville de City of Las Vegas (Nevada), sous l'impulsion de l'homme d'affaires Tony Hsieh et de la structure indépendante qu'il a fondée, le Downtown Project. Nous faisons l'hypothèse que ces acteurs peuvent être qualifiés de novateurs, en ce qu'ils se posent en rupture avec les pratiques habituelles de l'aménagement urbain, tant en termes de trajectoire entrepreneuriale, de discours que de méthodes. L'exemple végasien invite à se demander comment le renouvellement de la gouvernance urbaine, qui relève du politique, peut avoir des traductions urbanistiques et sociales. L'article questionne ainsi la capacité d'innovation du projet urbain mis en œuvre par T. Hsieh et le Downtown Project pour en souligner les résultats contrastés : selon nous, si la vision urbaine peut être qualifiée d'innovation urbanistique, sa traduction concrète sur le terrain va à l'encontre de la notion d'innovation sociale.

International audience ; This paper studies the consequences of urban governance renewal in City of Las Vegas (Nevada) under the influence of businessman Tony Hsieh and the independent structure he founded, the Downtown Project. We argue that those actors can be considered as innovators because they depart from the traditional practices of urban planning in terms of entrepreneurial career-path, discourses as well as methods. Through the example of City of Las Vegas, we intend to highlight the urbanistic and social consequences of a renewed urban governance, which is a political process. Thus this paper questions the capacity for innovation included in Tony Hsieh's and the Downtown Project's urban planning project. It concludes on its mixed results: if the urban vision can be called an urbanistic innovation, it fails to produce social innovation in the field. ; Cet article étudie les conséquences du renouvellement de la gouvernance urbaine dans un contexte de transformations du centre-ville de City of Las Vegas (Nevada), sous l'impulsion de l'homme d'affaires Tony Hsieh et de la structure indépendante qu'il a fondée, le Downtown Project. Nous faisons l'hypothèse que ces acteurs peuvent être qualifiés de novateurs, en ce qu'ils se posent en rupture avec les pratiques habituelles de l'aménagement urbain, tant en termes de trajectoire entrepreneuriale, de discours que de méthodes. L'exemple végasien invite à se demander comment le renouvellement de la gouvernance urbaine, qui relève du politique, peut avoir des traductions urbanistiques et sociales. L'article questionne ainsi la capacité d'innovation du projet urbain mis en œuvre par T. Hsieh et le Downtown Project pour en souligner les résultats contrastés : selon nous, si la vision urbaine peut être qualifiée d'innovation urbanistique, sa traduction concrète sur le terrain va à l'encontre de la notion d'innovation sociale.

We intend to highlight the sociopolitical process of building an European film and audiovisual industry by addressing through the issue of European funds that areMEDIA and Eurimages. We use two complementary working methods : an analysis of the European pressreleases on funding programs and objectives, and also a questionnaire survey of European producers of the sector.Several main lines emerge from this reflection. It appears that European funding for the sector have been an opportunity for the creation and implementation of a cinematographic cultural policy. At the same time, it promoted an entire industrialized business area of cultural production. The latter is measured with quantitative economic indicators, but can also be measured with qualitative tools concerning the cultural influence, effectiveness in European cohesion or effectiveness in building a European cinematographical identity perspective that we suggest as evolution. Politicians entered the game and valued the industry in order to better finance culture, since the cultural field is difficult to defend. It also emerges a division of producers into three categories. The pan-European who are satisfied. Even if they find the procedure rather complicated, they would not change anything in substance. Eurosceptic, nationalist producers who voluntarilyisolate themselves and denigrate funds they do not know. Volunteers producers, that would like to obtain the funds and make European co-productions, but do not have the critical mass required for access. Finally, this research reveals an European cinema which can be defined as aconglomerate of European nationalities, whose strengths are precisely the cultural,linguistical and aesthetical diversity, recognized even outside of Europe.Through the cinematographical and audiovisual sector, the European Union adopts an imaginary and an identity conveyed on screen. A strong cultural dominance canbe distinguished : that of the arthouse films. They register a good transnational movement, and their socio-cultural ...

We intend to highlight the sociopolitical process of building an European film and audiovisual industry by addressing through the issue of European funds that areMEDIA and Eurimages. We use two complementary working methods : an analysis of the European pressreleases on funding programs and objectives, and also a questionnaire survey of European producers of the sector.Several main lines emerge from this reflection. It appears that European funding for the sector have been an opportunity for the creation and implementation of a cinematographic cultural policy. At the same time, it promoted an entire industrialized business area of cultural production. The latter is measured with quantitative economic indicators, but can also be measured with qualitative tools concerning the cultural influence, effectiveness in European cohesion or effectiveness in building a European cinematographical identity perspective that we suggest as evolution. Politicians entered the game and valued the industry in order to better finance culture, since the cultural field is difficult to defend. It also emerges a division of producers into three categories. The pan-European who are satisfied. Even if they find the procedure rather complicated, they would not change anything in substance. Eurosceptic, nationalist producers who voluntarilyisolate themselves and denigrate funds they do not know. Volunteers producers, that would like to obtain the funds and make European co-productions, but do not have the critical mass required for access. Finally, this research reveals an European cinema which can be defined as aconglomerate of European nationalities, whose strengths are precisely the cultural,linguistical and aesthetical diversity, recognized even outside of Europe.Through the cinematographical and audiovisual sector, the European Union adopts an imaginary and an identity conveyed on screen. A strong cultural dominance canbe distinguished : that of the arthouse films. They register a good transnational movement, and their socio-cultural heritage is prevailing. Behind the cinema and audiovisual field actually hides a challenge of a differents cale : the European identity, based on its diversity, made with added cultural exceptions.We conclude by emphasizing that the European Union is using cinematographicaland audiovisual industry as an excuse to build and consolidate an European cinemathrough national cinemas and their specificities. Europe is funding the project methodology and the "technique" to achieve the ultimate aim of creating anEuropean cohesion and there fore identity, through the vehicle of the most powerful imaginary : the film. All this in a subversive way in order to have the support of all countries which preserve their cultural prerogatives, protecting Europe fromstandardization. ; Nous nous proposons de mettre en évidence le processus sociopolitique de construction d'une industrie cinématographique et audiovisuelle européenne en abordant la question par l'entrée des financements européens que sont MEDIA et Eurimages. Nous utilisons deux méthodes de travail complémentaires : une analyse des communiqués de presse européens sur les programmes de financement et leurs objectifs, et d'autre part une enquête par questionnaire auprès des producteurs européens du secteur.Plusieurs lignes de force se dégagent de cette réflexion. Il apparaît en effet que les financements européens pour ce secteur ont été une opportunité pour la création et l'implémentation d'une politique culturelle cinématographique. Mais en même temps, elle a favorisé la rentabilisation de tout un secteur industrialisé de la production culturelle. Cette dernière est mesurable avec des indicateurs économiques quantitatifs, mais peut aussi être mesurée avec des outils qualitatifs portant sur le rayonnement culturel, l'efficacité dans la cohésion européenne ou l'efficacité dans la construction d'une identité cinématographique européenne que nous suggérons comme perspective d'évolution.Les politiques sont entrés dans le jeu et ont valorisé l'industrie pour mieux financer la culture, puisque le domaine culturel est épineux à défendre.Il émerge aussi une répartition des producteurs en trois catégories. Les paneuropéens qui sont satisfaits, et même s'ils trouvent la procédure un peu lourde, ils n'y changeraient rien sur le fond. Les eurosceptiques, producteurs nationalistes qui s'isolent volontairement et qui dénigrent des fonds qu'ils ne connaissent pas. Les producteurs volontaires, qui souhaiteraient obtenir les fonds et faire des coproductions européennes, mais qui n'ont pas la taille critique requise pour y accéder. Enfin, cette recherche fait apparaître un cinéma européen pouvant se définir comme un conglomérat de nationalités européennes, dont les points forts sont justement la diversité culturelle, linguistique et esthétique, reconnue en dehors même du territoire européen. A travers la cinématographie et l'audiovisuel, l'Union Européenne se dote d'un imaginaire et d'une identité véhiculée à l'écran. On peut y distinguer une dominante culturelle forte : celle des films art et essai. Ils connaissent une bonne circulation transnationale, et une dominante socioculturelle et patrimoniale. Derrière le champ du cinéma et de l'audiovisuel se cache en réalité un enjeu d'une toute autre envergure : l'identité européenne, qui se fonde sur sa diversité, faite d'exceptions culturelles additionnées. Nous concluons en soulignant que l'Union Européenne se sert de l'industrie cinématographique et audiovisuelle comme prétexte pour construire et consolider un cinéma européen à partir des cinémas nationaux et de leurs spécificités. L'Europe finance la méthodologie de projet et la "technique" pour atteindre un but ultime : la création d'une cohésion européenne et par conséquent une identité, à travers le vecteur de l'imaginaire le plus puissant : le cinéma. Tout cela de manière subversive, afin d'avoir l'adhésion de l'ensemble des pays, qui conservent leurs prérogatives culturelles, protégeant l'Europe de la standardisation.

La région pampéenne argentine a depuis l'Europe une image de vastes étendues agricoles très faiblement peuplées où se pratiquent l'élevage bovin et les grandes cultures (essentiellement le soja) sur de grandes exploitations. Pourtant, dans la Province de Buenos-Aires, au sud de la capitale, les villes maillent fortement un territoire qui représente près de la moitié de la France. Les périmètres de gestion combinent des villes moyennes ou des petites villes chefs-lieux d'un district (partido) siège du gouvernement local (intendencia) et de l'administration municipale (municipio) avec des villages (pueblos)'. Dans un contexte de forte centralisation du pouvoir, la thématique de la décentralisation est au cœur des débats politiques : les municipalités revendiquent davantage de compétences, mais elles disposent de marges de manœuvre réduites. Pourtant, une analyse détaillée de différentes situations conduit à repérer des modèles de gestion contrastés : d'une part, deux municipios qui se contentent de gérer les affaires courantes en lien direct avec le gouvernement central (Necochea et Villarino). D'autre part, un municipio acteur du développement territorial qui essaie de construire un projet de territoire (Tandil). En appui à ces processus de développement territorial, deux systèmes, l'un à dimension sociale et l'autre à dimension économique, ont un rôle essentiel dans la recherche de solutions aux lourdes problématiques économiques et sociales que connaît le pays. ; The Argentinan Pampa has an image of vast and expanded fields structured around large farms of cereals production or breeding units. However, in the Province of Buenos Aires, around the south of the capital, the urban network structures an area of the size of nearly half of France. These areas are managed around medium-sized cities, chief towns of the district (partido) seat of local government (intendancia) and municipal (municipio) with what they call «pueblos». In a context of centralized government, the theme of decentralization is at the heart of the political debate: Municipalities ask for more responsibilities but they have very low budget. But a detailed analysis of different situations illustrates patterns of a contrasting management: First municipios who merely deal with the affairs directly related to the central government (Necochea et Villarino). On the other hand, we can observe a municipio which acts as a main character of local development (Tandil). In this perspective, they try to build a regional project by supporting two systems: One with a social dimension and another one around economic dimension to resolve serious social and economic problems. ; Facultad de Ciencias Agrarias y Forestales

The Recognition of environmental benefits program (« Reconocimiento de Beneficios Ambientales », RBA) in Costa Rica and Agri-Environmental Measures (AEM) in France are incentive instruments of agricultural policies to protect the environment. We draw lessons from a multicriteria comparative analysis of the application of these two instruments in Guanacaste in Costa Rica and Guadeloupe in France. Surveys were conducted with policy makers and with beneficiaries. In both studied cases, governance remains dominated by actors of the agricultural sector and programs are effective in the sense that they achieve the objectives that were defined (increase of improved pastures for the RBA, decrease of pesticide use for AEM). However the additionality of the programs is not clear. The two case studies have differences on equity in the distribution of public funds. Costa Rica has implemented concrete and specific modalities of aid capping. However, the small amount of the allocated budget limits the incentive character. In Guadeloupe, the distribution of funds allocated to the AEM reproduces the existing inequality in the distribution of public funds. The AEM budget is concentrated on key sectors that already benefit from most of the subsidies. Equity has emerged as a concern for policy makers and induced inflection in the modalities of implementation. These results highlight the importance of governance in the orientation and results of these incentive instruments. ; Le programme de Reconnaissance des bénéfices environnementaux (« Reconocimiento de Beneficios Ambientales », RBA) au Costa Rica et les Mesures Agri-Environnementales (MAE) en France font partie des instruments incitatifs de politiques agricoles visant à protéger l'environnement. À partir d'une analyse comparée multicritère de l'application de ces deux instruments dans le Guanacaste au Costa Rica et en Guadeloupe en France, nous caractérisons les potentiels et les limites des politiques agricoles visant à favoriser la provision de services environnementaux en ...

This work attempts to put into perspective citizen participation by studying discourses produced into several participatory devices: the citizen councils, the neighborhood associative press and well-being indicators "co-developed" with the inhabitants. In this, we try to understand how those devices, whether institutionalized or not, shape actors' discourses but also how actors can get hold of them and use them according to the social configurations in which they fit. Then, considering their institutional and territorial background, it is important to figure out how participatory devices can be considered as instruments of public policies in which communicative issues have an increasing role. The relational dimension of communication brought by those participatory devices reflects a profound change of the public action. Public action is nowadays shaped by the neoliberal governance which is itself being influenced by growing injunctions in favor of both deliberation and sustainability. After having presented the epistemological and methodological framework of the statistical analysis of textual data (textometry) used in this study, we define the perimeter in which participatory devices and well-being indicators have been promoted to the rank of new political topics. Indeed, when we take into account their anchoring in the changing institutional context of implementation and evaluation of public policies, participatory devices can be perceived as instruments of public action. In doing so, we study both mutations of the state and public action caused by globalization, the domination of neoliberalism and managerial logics that drives regional integration processes. We will then successively present participation, as it is now theorized and as it takes shape through the citizen councils, that is to say as an institutionally standardized " communicative action". Then, thanks to the neighborhood associative press, we focus on the identity components of the territory, shaped by discourses and counter-discourses, as well ...

This work attempts to put into perspective citizen participation by studying discourses produced into several participatory devices: the citizen councils, the neighborhood associative press and well-being indicators "co-developed" with the inhabitants. In this, we try to understand how those devices, whether institutionalized or not, shape actors' discourses but also how actors can get hold of them and use them according to the social configurations in which they fit. Then, considering their institutional and territorial background, it is important to figure out how participatory devices can be considered as instruments of public policies in which communicative issues have an increasing role. The relational dimension of communication brought by those participatory devices reflects a profound change of the public action. Public action is nowadays shaped by the neoliberal governance which is itself being influenced by growing injunctions in favor of both deliberation and sustainability. After having presented the epistemological and methodological framework of the statistical analysis of textual data (textometry) used in this study, we define the perimeter in which participatory devices and well-being indicators have been promoted to the rank of new political topics. Indeed, when we take into account their anchoring in the changing institutional context of implementation and evaluation of public policies, participatory devices can be perceived as instruments of public action. In doing so, we study both mutations of the state and public action caused by globalization, the domination of neoliberalism and managerial logics that drives regional integration processes. We will then successively present participation, as it is now theorized and as it takes shape through the citizen councils, that is to say as an institutionally standardized " communicative action". Then, thanks to the neighborhood associative press, we focus on the identity components of the territory, shaped by discourses and counter-discourses, as well ...

This work attempts to put into perspective citizen participation by studying discourses produced into several participatory devices: the citizen councils, the neighborhood associative press and well-being indicators "co-developed" with the inhabitants. In this, we try to understand how those devices, whether institutionalized or not, shape actors' discourses but also how actors can get hold of them and use them according to the social configurations in which they fit. Then, considering their institutional and territorial background, it is important to figure out how participatory devices can be considered as instruments of public policies in which communicative issues have an increasing role. The relational dimension of communication brought by those participatory devices reflects a profound change of the public action. Public action is nowadays shaped by the neoliberal governance which is itself being influenced by growing injunctions in favor of both deliberation and sustainability. After having presented the epistemological and methodological framework of the statistical analysis of textual data (textometry) used in this study, we define the perimeter in which participatory devices and well-being indicators have been promoted to the rank of new political topics. Indeed, when we take into account their anchoring in the changing institutional context of implementation and evaluation of public policies, participatory devices can be perceived as instruments of public action. In doing so, we study both mutations of the state and public action caused by globalization, the domination of neoliberalism and managerial logics that drives regional integration processes. We will then successively present participation, as it is now theorized and as it takes shape through the citizen councils, that is to say as an institutionally standardized " communicative action". Then, thanks to the neighborhood associative press, we focus on the identity components of the territory, shaped by discourses and counter-discourses, as well ...

This work attempts to put into perspective citizen participation by studying discourses produced into several participatory devices: the citizen councils, the neighborhood associative press and well-being indicators "co-developed" with the inhabitants. In this, we try to understand how those devices, whether institutionalized or not, shape actors' discourses but also how actors can get hold of them and use them according to the social configurations in which they fit. Then, considering their institutional and territorial background, it is important to figure out how participatory devices can be considered as instruments of public policies in which communicative issues have an increasing role. The relational dimension of communication brought by those participatory devices reflects a profound change of the public action. Public action is nowadays shaped by the neoliberal governance which is itself being influenced by growing injunctions in favor of both deliberation and sustainability. After having presented the epistemological and methodological framework of the statistical analysis of textual data (textometry) used in this study, we define the perimeter in which participatory devices and well-being indicators have been promoted to the rank of new political topics. Indeed, when we take into account their anchoring in the changing institutional context of implementation and evaluation of public policies, participatory devices can be perceived as instruments of public action. In doing so, we study both mutations of the state and public action caused by globalization, the domination of neoliberalism and managerial logics that drives regional integration processes. We will then successively present participation, as it is now theorized and as it takes shape through the citizen councils, that is to say as an institutionally standardized " communicative action". Then, thanks to the neighborhood associative press, we focus on the identity components of the territory, shaped by discourses and counter-discourses, as well ...

This work attempts to put into perspective citizen participation by studying discourses produced into several participatory devices: the citizen councils, the neighborhood associative press and well-being indicators "co-developed" with the inhabitants. In this, we try to understand how those devices, whether institutionalized or not, shape actors' discourses but also how actors can get hold of them and use them according to the social configurations in which they fit. Then, considering their institutional and territorial background, it is important to figure out how participatory devices can be considered as instruments of public policies in which communicative issues have an increasing role. The relational dimension of communication brought by those participatory devices reflects a profound change of the public action. Public action is nowadays shaped by the neoliberal governance which is itself being influenced by growing injunctions in favor of both deliberation and sustainability. After having presented the epistemological and methodological framework of the statistical analysis of textual data (textometry) used in this study, we define the perimeter in which participatory devices and well-being indicators have been promoted to the rank of new political topics. Indeed, when we take into account their anchoring in the changing institutional context of implementation and evaluation of public policies, participatory devices can be perceived as instruments of public action. In doing so, we study both mutations of the state and public action caused by globalization, the domination of neoliberalism and managerial logics that drives regional integration processes. We will then successively present participation, as it is now theorized and as it takes shape through the citizen councils, that is to say as an institutionally standardized " communicative action". Then, thanks to the neighborhood associative press, we focus on the identity components of the territory, shaped by discourses and counter-discourses, as well ...

The landscape of food policy is changing in France, and new actors (cities) require knowledge, especially about the issues of sustainable alimentation and the enhancement of social and economic resources of the territories. Within the framework of the PSDR4 FRUGAL research project's beginning, this report presents an elaboration and a synthesis of methods to study territories' food governance, through food relocation modalities. A research about the subject's context and case studies from two social groceries and an economic interest group have helped to collect data and systematize the proposed methods. A three steps demarche is proposed with : giving the subject's context, conducting case studies about food relocation modalities that allow to make hypothesis about the territorial food governance, and doing a generalization of the case studies' results and testing the hypothesis obtained. ; Le paysage de la politique dans le domaine de l'alimentation est en mouvement, et de nouveaux acteurs (métropoles) sont demandeurs de connaissances, notamment autour des enjeux d'alimentation durable et de valorisation des ressources économiques et sociales des territoires. Dans le cadre du début du projet de recherche PSDR4 FRUGAL (Pour et Sur le Développement Régional, FoRmes Urbaines et Gouvernance ALimentaire), ce mémoire présente une élaboration et une synthèse de méthodes pour étudier la gouvernance alimentaire territoriale, au travers de modalités de relocalisation alimentaire. Une mise en contexte du sujet et des études de cas, auprès de deux épiceries sociales et d'un groupement d'intérêt économique, ont permis de récolter des données et de systématiser les méthodes envisagées. Une démarche en trois temps est proposée avec : une mise en contexte du sujet, des études de cas de modalités de relocalisation alimentaire qui permettent de faire émerger des hypothèses sur la gouvernance alimentaire territoriale, puis une généralisation des résultats des études de cas et une mise à l'épreuve des hypothèses obtenues.

1 Gouvernance publique libre et ouverte versus simple réduction des coûts : comment mieux agir collectivement en connaissance de(s) cause(s) de l'impact sociétal. Passer au stade du post-bureaucratique et du post-compétitif grâce à la co-innovation ouverte avec un management public vraiment responsable fondé sur des équipes professionnelles apprenantes et outillées par des plateformes coopératives à la recherche du meilleur impact économique et sociétal. Maurice Baslé, emeritus professeur CREM-CNRS-Université de Rennes 1. Chaire Jean Monnet ad personam, Chaire Connaissance et action territoriale. Maurice.basle(a)univ-rennes1.fr Mots-clés : performance publique en économie mixte ou en économie sociale de marché, bonne gouvernance, innovation ouverte, données ouvertes, gouvernement ouvert, communautés apprenantes, plateformes coopératives de données, conférences de consensus sur l'impact économique et social des politiques publiques et des programmes et sur les chaines de valeurs et réseaux de valeurs publiques. Keywords : public performance in a public-private economy, good governance, open innovation, open data, open gov, learning professional communities, cooperative data platforms, consensus conferences on the impact factor of Public policies and programs, public value chains and networks.

1 Gouvernance publique libre et ouverte versus simple réduction des coûts : comment mieux agir collectivement en connaissance de(s) cause(s) de l'impact sociétal. Passer au stade du post-bureaucratique et du post-compétitif grâce à la co-innovation ouverte avec un management public vraiment responsable fondé sur des équipes professionnelles apprenantes et outillées par des plateformes coopératives à la recherche du meilleur impact économique et sociétal. Maurice Baslé, emeritus professeur CREM-CNRS-Université de Rennes 1. Chaire Jean Monnet ad personam, Chaire Connaissance et action territoriale. Maurice.basle(a)univ-rennes1.fr Mots-clés : performance publique en économie mixte ou en économie sociale de marché, bonne gouvernance, innovation ouverte, données ouvertes, gouvernement ouvert, communautés apprenantes, plateformes coopératives de données, conférences de consensus sur l'impact économique et social des politiques publiques et des programmes et sur les chaines de valeurs et réseaux de valeurs publiques. Keywords : public performance in a public-private economy, good governance, open innovation, open data, open gov, learning professional communities, cooperative data platforms, consensus conferences on the impact factor of Public policies and programs, public value chains and networks.

1 Gouvernance publique libre et ouverte versus simple réduction des coûts : comment mieux agir collectivement en connaissance de(s) cause(s) de l'impact sociétal. Passer au stade du post-bureaucratique et du post-compétitif grâce à la co-innovation ouverte avec un management public vraiment responsable fondé sur des équipes professionnelles apprenantes et outillées par des plateformes coopératives à la recherche du meilleur impact économique et sociétal. Maurice Baslé, emeritus professeur CREM-CNRS-Université de Rennes 1. Chaire Jean Monnet ad personam, Chaire Connaissance et action territoriale. Maurice.basle(a)univ-rennes1.fr Mots-clés : performance publique en économie mixte ou en économie sociale de marché, bonne gouvernance, innovation ouverte, données ouvertes, gouvernement ouvert, communautés apprenantes, plateformes coopératives de données, conférences de consensus sur l'impact économique et social des politiques publiques et des programmes et sur les chaines de valeurs et réseaux de valeurs publiques. Keywords : public performance in a public-private economy, good governance, open innovation, open data, open gov, learning professional communities, cooperative data platforms, consensus conferences on the impact factor of Public policies and programs, public value chains and networks.