Suchergebnisse

The case studies contained in this book show real life examples of complex problems being addressed through collaboration. The problems confronting modern society are complex and do not lend themselves to simple solutions or linear decision making. They require the involvement of many stakeholders. This is often brought about by networks, which bring together a multitude of players in the search for solutions to public policy issues.

International audience ; This article is an invitation to critically analyze "metropolitan governance" from the point of view of metropolitan fringes and peripheries instead of city-centres. Our aim is to characterize the coalitions of actors built around stakes often considered as non-strategic at the scale of metropolitan policies. In this way, we propose to analyze metropolitan governance not only by identifying which coalition(s) govern, but more precisely which coalition(s) govern which part(s) of the urban space and which metropolitan stake(s). In order to answer these questions, we mobilize materials from two research projects offering two complementary "peripheral" points of view: the territories of urban redevelopment and the territories of logistics development. Thus, it appears that those which govern winning strategic places are not those which govern non-strategic or common places. These spatial divides, that is to say the socio-economic profiles of the territories, are more crucial determinants than the institutional, party-based and corporatist variables to understand and explain the aggregation mechanisms of urban interests. Finally, the perspective on metropolitan governance which we propose constitutes another way of tackling the discussion between the thesis of the neoliberalization of urban policies and the thesis of "the return of the European cities" (Le Galès, 2011a). The existence of a multitude of urban coalitions at stake tends to show that the pluralist urban governance model is only one mode of governance among others within metropolitan areas. This focus on metropolitan fringes and peripheries is thus a way to reconsider urban and metropolitan governance as a multiscale process, which reveals, reflects and reinforces severe hierarchies between sub-metropolitan territories. ; Cet article est une invite à aborder le « chantier de la gouvernance métropolitaine » du point de vue des marges et des franges des métropoles plutôt que de celui des villes-centres. Notre objectif est de ...

International audience ; This article is an invitation to critically analyze "metropolitan governance" from the point of view of metropolitan fringes and peripheries instead of city-centres. Our aim is to characterize the coalitions of actors built around stakes often considered as non-strategic at the scale of metropolitan policies. In this way, we propose to analyze metropolitan governance not only by identifying which coalition(s) govern, but more precisely which coalition(s) govern which part(s) of the urban space and which metropolitan stake(s). In order to answer these questions, we mobilize materials from two research projects offering two complementary "peripheral" points of view: the territories of urban redevelopment and the territories of logistics development. Thus, it appears that those which govern winning strategic places are not those which govern non-strategic or common places. These spatial divides, that is to say the socio-economic profiles of the territories, are more crucial determinants than the institutional, party-based and corporatist variables to understand and explain the aggregation mechanisms of urban interests. Finally, the perspective on metropolitan governance which we propose constitutes another way of tackling the discussion between the thesis of the neoliberalization of urban policies and the thesis of "the return of the European cities" (Le Galès, 2011a). The existence of a multitude of urban coalitions at stake tends to show that the pluralist urban governance model is only one mode of governance among others within metropolitan areas. This focus on metropolitan fringes and peripheries is thus a way to reconsider urban and metropolitan governance as a multiscale process, which reveals, reflects and reinforces severe hierarchies between sub-metropolitan territories. ; Cet article est une invite à aborder le « chantier de la gouvernance métropolitaine » du point de vue des marges et des franges des métropoles plutôt que de celui des villes-centres. Notre objectif est de ...

After the failure of Copenhagen in 2009, doctrine has talked about a multilateralism in crisis. This multilateralism characterized by state equality, reciprocity and continuity has appeared utterly incapable of bringing good cooperation between States so as to reach the adoption of a binding agreement to organize the fight against climate warming. This multilateralism is usually opposed to alliances occasionally formed and characterised by a geopolitical logic of power, of selectivity. The Copenhagen failure has brought forward this tough geopolitical logic (hard gaps were created between developed and developing States, emerging economies) revealing a very weak climate governance that was striving to cope with an already very complex and multiscale issue. As numerous political scientists have proposed other suggestions, many States have preferred the very limited structure of clubs. The COP 21 and the Paris agreement have put back on track the UN process that was gridlocked even if the oppositions of viewpoints have not vanished and the coalitions of interests are remaining. The solution of multilateralism that enables a balance and flexible solution between unilateralism and the partly binding character of the agreement explains this success as well as the increase involvement of civil society. ; Après l'échec de Copenhague en 2009, la doctrine a pu parler d'un multilatéralisme onusien en crise. Ce multilatéralisme caractérisé par l'égalité entre États, la réciprocité et la continuité semblait totalement incapable de permettre l'entente entre États en aboutissant à la conclusion d'un accord contraignant pour organiser la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique. On oppose ce multilatéralisme à des alliances ponctuellement formées caractérisées par une logique géopolitique de puissance, de sélectivité. L'échec du multilatéralisme onusien à Copenhague a fait ressortir cette logique géopolitique dure (des lignes de fracture très fortes se sont dressées entre États développés, en développement, économies ...

Depuis plusieurs décennies, l'échelle métropolitaine a gagné en importance en raison de l'évolution spatiale des régions urbaines, du positionnement central des métropoles dans l'économie mondialisée et des transformations dans l'organisation des États. Dans ce contexte, le devenir des institutions métropolitaines a gagné en importance auprès des décideurs politiques, des citoyens, des entreprises et des chercheurs. Malgré le rôle central des aspects spatiaux dans les dynamiques de gouvernance urbaine, la littérature scientifique relative aux « recompositions territoriales » et à la « mise à l'échelle métropolitaine » n'offre pas de cadre analytique des facteurs et des processus de transformation de la spatialité des gouvernements métropolitains. Dans cet article, nous suggérons d'adopter un modèle analytique du changement institutionnel pour une meilleure prise en compte de ces évolutions en l'appliquant aux frontières des gouvernements métropolitains. Le modèle analytique prend en considération les pressions exercées par et sur les aspects spatiaux de la gouvernance ainsi que les différentes phases de leurs transformations. L'analyse empirique des processus dans la région urbaine de Liège (Belgique) a vérifié l'utilité et la robustesse de cette grille de lecture. ; Peer reviewed

This article analyses the governance system for environmental protection in different periods in Lithuania. It has been stated that during the first period of Lithuanian independence, any specialised environmental protection institution has been established. The use and protection of natural resources has been under the responsibility of agricultural and forestry institutions. Development of the governance system for environmental protection began in the Soviet period after the Second World War, when the State Nature Protection Committee was established and the Nature Conservation Act adopted. The committee focused on the protection of biological diversity, natural resources and the landscape, with the conservation of non-living components of the environment under the responsibility of other institutions. There was a move towards comprehensive environmental preservation when the Environmental Protection Department was established under the Parliament of the Lithuanian Republic during the first year of the restoration of independence. A more widespread approach to preservation was put in place with the establishment of the Ministry of Environmental Protection and its later reorganisation as the Ministry of Environment, as well as the establishment of the Environmental Protection Agency. This article analyses the country's frequent reorganisations of environmental protection institutions and argues that these create a governance system in this area that is not stable or effective.

This article analyses the governance system for environmental protection in different periods in Lithuania. It has been stated that during the first period of Lithuanian independence, any specialised environmental protection institution has been established. The use and protection of natural resources has been under the responsibility of agricultural and forestry institutions. Development of the governance system for environmental protection began in the Soviet period after the Second World War, when the State Nature Protection Committee was established and the Nature Conservation Act adopted. The committee focused on the protection of biological diversity, natural resources and the landscape, with the conservation of non-living components of the environment under the responsibility of other institutions. There was a move towards comprehensive environmental preservation when the Environmental Protection Department was established under the Parliament of the Lithuanian Republic during the first year of the restoration of independence. A more widespread approach to preservation was put in place with the establishment of the Ministry of Environmental Protection and its later reorganisation as the Ministry of Environment, as well as the establishment of the Environmental Protection Agency. This article analyses the country's frequent reorganisations of environmental protection institutions and argues that these create a governance system in this area that is not stable or effective.

Topic of this paper. The implementation of good governance principles in Lithuanian strategic sports federations. The intent of the paper. In 2017, Department of Physical Education and Sports (DPES) implemented a criteria, which meant that starting in 2018 funding from the government was directly transferred to federations without any input from other government organizations. The change allowed federations to have a greater amount of autonomy. However, this amount of autonomy might create more problems, if vast money transfers (and other processes) are not administered right which creates the importance of the implementation of good governance principles and its continuous constructing. In 2014, to analyze the principles of good governance in Lithuanian sports federations, two very important investigations were conducted. While analyzing good governanve in Lithuania, Karolis Dieninis implied that strategic sports federations are lacking tranparency, meaningful infromation in federations' social media, higher level of social responsibility programs, improved communication with people of interest, etc. Agnė Vanagienė noticed that there is still a need to improve and monitor Lithuanian federations and their governance with a goal of increased effectiveness, sthenghts and competitiveness. By the project of Danish organization "Play the game" which started in 2017 and is going to be done throughout 2018, and by its expoerience created NSGO tool, this paper investigated the level of implementation of good governance principles Lithuanian strategic sports federations. By doing it, it was wanted to find out if Lithuanian strategic sports federations implemented the principles of good governance in the last four years and improved on their weak spots. The whole investigation is based on the newest "Play the game" investigation and NSGO tool. Object of the paper. The implementation of good governance principles in Lithuanian strategic sports federations. Aim of the paper. Evaluating the implementation of good governance principles in Lithuanian strategic sports federations. Tasks of the paper. 1. Provide and describe good governance principles and its implementation in sports federations. 2. Identify factors influencing the adaptation of good governance principles and inter-institutional relations. 3. Reveal the practice and importance of good governance principles in sports organizations. 4. Perform analysis of the implementation of the principles of good governance in the Lithuanian strategic sports federations. 5. Fulfill a comparative analysis of the implementation of good governance principles in Lithuanian sports federations. Methods of the investigation. 1. Literature analysis. 2. Interview. 3. Statistical analysis. Results and findings. • Mutual application of four princiles reaches 68,39% which is considered a good level of implementation. • Transparency reached 52.85%, democracy 47.85%, internal accountability and control 72.43% social responsibility 43.45%. All of the principles reached a result which is considered a good level of implementation. • When comparing data from 2014 and 2018 investigations, there was a 9.52% increase in transparency (43.33% to 52.85%), democracy slightly decreaced by 1.59% (76.44% to 74.85). • The analysis of a specialty item (federation no. 5) displayed a contrasting evaluation of the results. Asociation indicated that immplementation of the principles of federation no. 5 reaches 25.23% which is considered an average level of implementatio, but federation no. 5 evaluated themselves as 91.32%, which is a very good level of implementation.

Topic of this paper. The implementation of good governance principles in Lithuanian strategic sports federations. The intent of the paper. In 2017, Department of Physical Education and Sports (DPES) implemented a criteria, which meant that starting in 2018 funding from the government was directly transferred to federations without any input from other government organizations. The change allowed federations to have a greater amount of autonomy. However, this amount of autonomy might create more problems, if vast money transfers (and other processes) are not administered right which creates the importance of the implementation of good governance principles and its continuous constructing. In 2014, to analyze the principles of good governance in Lithuanian sports federations, two very important investigations were conducted. While analyzing good governanve in Lithuania, Karolis Dieninis implied that strategic sports federations are lacking tranparency, meaningful infromation in federations' social media, higher level of social responsibility programs, improved communication with people of interest, etc. Agnė Vanagienė noticed that there is still a need to improve and monitor Lithuanian federations and their governance with a goal of increased effectiveness, sthenghts and competitiveness. By the project of Danish organization "Play the game" which started in 2017 and is going to be done throughout 2018, and by its expoerience created NSGO tool, this paper investigated the level of implementation of good governance principles Lithuanian strategic sports federations. By doing it, it was wanted to find out if Lithuanian strategic sports federations implemented the principles of good governance in the last four years and improved on their weak spots. The whole investigation is based on the newest "Play the game" investigation and NSGO tool. Object of the paper. The implementation of good governance principles in Lithuanian strategic sports federations. Aim of the paper. Evaluating the implementation of good governance principles in Lithuanian strategic sports federations. Tasks of the paper. 1. Provide and describe good governance principles and its implementation in sports federations. 2. Identify factors influencing the adaptation of good governance principles and inter-institutional relations. 3. Reveal the practice and importance of good governance principles in sports organizations. 4. Perform analysis of the implementation of the principles of good governance in the Lithuanian strategic sports federations. 5. Fulfill a comparative analysis of the implementation of good governance principles in Lithuanian sports federations. Methods of the investigation. 1. Literature analysis. 2. Interview. 3. Statistical analysis. Results and findings. • Mutual application of four princiles reaches 68,39% which is considered a good level of implementation. • Transparency reached 52.85%, democracy 47.85%, internal accountability and control 72.43% social responsibility 43.45%. All of the principles reached a result which is considered a good level of implementation. • When comparing data from 2014 and 2018 investigations, there was a 9.52% increase in transparency (43.33% to 52.85%), democracy slightly decreaced by 1.59% (76.44% to 74.85). • The analysis of a specialty item (federation no. 5) displayed a contrasting evaluation of the results. Asociation indicated that immplementation of the principles of federation no. 5 reaches 25.23% which is considered an average level of implementatio, but federation no. 5 evaluated themselves as 91.32%, which is a very good level of implementation.

No study of governance, of the degenerative State of Madagascar, and its state of emergency can be properly undertaken without consideration of the legal component of a state of exception. This task calls for a close examination of the tumultuous construction of post-colonial judiciaries and the constitutionalising of emergency powers in time of crisis. Moreover, it would be appropriate to pay particular attention to the terms of imposition of states of exception which, from 1972 to 2002, provided new impetus to the conception and perpetuity of such apparatus. This approach would bring to light the abuses and excesses related to the exercise and experimentation of emergency powers, and provides hallmarks or milestones that may be observed or corroborated in adjacent studies, thereby introducing essential references for international law. In a second step, this work cannot hide the political component of a state of exception. Actually, this dimension allows for a better understanding of the context in the case of Madagascar, because it highlights the political construction and practice of the mechanism in areas where conventional law has been silent or discrete, obscure or ambiguous, and therefore difficult to enforce. This demonstration draws on the primary notion of the Schmittien doctrine, that of "political decisionism". It is acknowledged that the theories developed by the Italian philosopher, Giorgio Agamben, about states of exception being the ordinary models for government and how they could serve as "mechanism", are particularly fertile for the analysis of governance by emergency powers. In a third step, it seems appropriate to analyse the thesis of "the ordinarily exceptional" which is frequently upheld by numerous theories and to see how it may apply to case of Madagascar. The political construction of a permanent state of emergency and the trivialisation of crises lend themselves to the unprecedented notion of an "unrestrained state of emergency" in Madagascar, different from the equally original "particularly exceptional state", where the political crisis of 2009 could serve as an example. This analytical path takes inevitably into account the cultural and other specificities of Madagascar, and the pros and cons of "imported" ideas and concepts. Finally, this paper is completed, without closing the analysis, with the demonstration of "A State of Madagascar in Decay". The emergence of new models for crisis management is explored; these are more consensual, inclusive, rational and international. They are less authoritative, less disputable, less unrestrained and less unbridled. The trial against the state of emergency is removed, as are all fatalistic ideologies regarding the future of the Grande Île. Nonetheless, it is important to keep in mind the realities of evidence and the numerous challenges that remain in the yet unaccomplished process of (re)construction of a State of Law in Madagascar ; Gouvernance, état d'exception et construction étatique à Madagascar : ces trois notions sont indissociables d'une approche de la composante juridique du concept d'état d'exception. Cette démarche implique, d'une part, l'examen de la construction tourmentée de l'ordre juridique postcolonial et celui, d'autre part, du processus de constitutionnalisation des pouvoirs de crise. Par ailleurs, il conviendra de se pencher sur les applications de l'état d'exception qui, de 1972 à 2002, ont suscité une nouvelle dynamique de conceptualisation et, mutatis mutandis, la perpétuation d'une tradition juridique de l'exception. Cette approche éclairera les dérives liées à la pratique et à l'expérimentation des pouvoirs de crise. Elle en explorera les propriétés. Elle n'en exclura pas, loin s'en faut, les marqueurs comparables avec d'autres cas d'étude et les interférences incontournables avec le droit international. Dans un deuxième temps, cette contribution s'efforcera d'interroger la composante politique de l'état d'exception. En effet, cette dimension prédominante détermine une meilleure compréhension de l'application du dispositif sur le terrain malgache, tout en permettant d'expliciter la construction et les pratiques politiques de l'état d'exception, là où le droit reste muet, discret, inapplicable, obscur ou équivoque. Notre démonstration s'appuiera ici sur une notion-clef de la pensée schmittienne : le « décisionnisme politique ». Par ailleurs, les théories du philosophe italien Giorgio Agamben, relatives à l'état d'exception comme « paradigme normal de gouvernement » et sur le concept-même de « dispositif », viendront enrichir l'analyse de l'usage et de la maîtrise des pouvoirs de crise. Dans un troisième temps, il conviendra de circonscrire et de questionner la thèse de l'«exceptionnel ordinaire», fréquemment soutenue par de nombreuses théories et de confronter sa pertinence au cas malgache, afin d'en apprécier la validité. Le montage politique d'«état d'exception permanent » et la banalisation des crises occasionnent, à l'aune du contexte malgache, l'émergence de la notion inédite d'« état d'exception débridé », sans toutefois éclipser celle, tout autant inédite, d'« exception particulière », comme tend à le démontrer la crise politique de 2009. Cette analyse ne manquera pas de recourir aux apports de l'anthropologie : en effet, dimensions culturelles, spécificités malgaches et imaginaire collectif contribueront à mieux circonscrire les modes d'acculturation de la société malgache aux concepts « importés ». Enfin, sans clôturer la réflexion, cette contribution s'efforcera de mieux saisir la dialectique de « l'État malgache en déliquescence ». Sera explorée l'émergence de nouveaux paradigmes de gestion de crise plus concertée, plus consensuelle, plus inclusive, plus rationnalisée, plus internationalisée, moins autoritaire, moins contestable, moins « débridée ». Tout aussi éloigné des jugements de valeur hâtifs que des reconstructions à dominante « culturaliste » qui privilégient une forme de fatalisme sur la trajectoire et le sort de la Grande Île, notre contribution visera d'abord à expliciter des réalités socio-politiques complexes, et à considérer les nombreux défis qui subsistent dans le processus encore inachevé de construction de l'État de droit à Madagascar

No study of governance, of the degenerative State of Madagascar, and its state of emergency can be properly undertaken without consideration of the legal component of a state of exception. This task calls for a close examination of the tumultuous construction of post-colonial judiciaries and the constitutionalising of emergency powers in time of crisis. Moreover, it would be appropriate to pay particular attention to the terms of imposition of states of exception which, from 1972 to 2002, provided new impetus to the conception and perpetuity of such apparatus. This approach would bring to light the abuses and excesses related to the exercise and experimentation of emergency powers, and provides hallmarks or milestones that may be observed or corroborated in adjacent studies, thereby introducing essential references for international law. In a second step, this work cannot hide the political component of a state of exception. Actually, this dimension allows for a better understanding of the context in the case of Madagascar, because it highlights the political construction and practice of the mechanism in areas where conventional law has been silent or discrete, obscure or ambiguous, and therefore difficult to enforce. This demonstration draws on the primary notion of the Schmittien doctrine, that of "political decisionism". It is acknowledged that the theories developed by the Italian philosopher, Giorgio Agamben, about states of exception being the ordinary models for government and how they could serve as "mechanism", are particularly fertile for the analysis of governance by emergency powers. In a third step, it seems appropriate to analyse the thesis of "the ordinarily exceptional" which is frequently upheld by numerous theories and to see how it may apply to case of Madagascar. The political construction of a permanent state of emergency and the trivialisation of crises lend themselves to the unprecedented notion of an "unrestrained state of emergency" in Madagascar, different from the equally original ...

The autonomy of the scientific field, understood as its ability to set itself its internal composition, its norms and its objects, is the result of compromises between two antagonistic forces : on the one hand, the inscription of scientific and technical development in a certain social context that provides it with the resources it needs and that tends to put it under the dependence of objectives foreign to the scientific community ; on the other hand, a defense of scientific autonomy as a political and epistemological necessity. The emergence of a need for the control of scientific progress, and the raise of the dependence of research to market economy, seems to result in the relative downturn of this call for autonomy.In that context, the current modifications in the way scientific research is governed raise epistemological questions : which degree of autonomy should we grant the scientific field, and individual researchers, in order to optimize the knowledge production ? How should we organize scientific research so that the limitations of its autonomy have positive epistemological effects ? In this thesis, we adopt a properly philosophical perspective on issues often studied by economists and specialists of science policy management, most notably that of the best ways of funding scientific disciplines, communities, or individual researchers.First, we carry out an analysis of the arguments elaborated to defend scientific autonomy and freedom of research as an epistemological requirement. We then rebuild on this basis two pro-autonomy theses that should be taken seriously into account, for the criticisms generally leveled against them are not sound. The ''liberal thesis'' claims that individual freedom promotes epistemic productivity by motivating creativity, anticonformism, and the diversification of the problems, questions and objects under study. The ''anti-utilitarian'' thesis distinguishes between fundamental and applied science and argues for the epistemological superiority of a research exclusively dedicated to cognitive problems.We then propose a critical analysis of these two theses. Against the promotion of science as an exploratory activity, we propose, justify and renew the pragmatist perspective on inquiry, drawing on case studies and contemporaneous works linked to the practical turn. We conclude that a laissez-faire principle does not optimize epistemic fecundity.We then deal with the anti-utilitarian thesis. We first criticize the distinction between fundamental and applied science as introducing a gap among scientific practices according to the goals they pursue. We propose to forgo this opposition in favor of a different one, between endogenous problems (emerging in the course of scientific practices), and exogenous problems (identified outside the scientific field).By considering the history of molecular biology, we show the constitutive permeability of the research process to exogenous problems, we give some details about the mechanisms of these interactions in the case of complex objects, and we show how this permeability is positive.Finally, we give these epistemological analysis a practical turn, by trying to infer from them some conditions that would fit with the properties of the research process we previously identified. We begin by showing that the principles guiding current scheme of governance of public research do not satisfy the epistemic constraints we propose to take into account. Against the excessively centralized selection of projects by way of peer-review processes, on the one hand, and in opposition to the differentiation of the funding sources between objects or types of research on the other hand, we propose a decentralized and participative funding scheme, reflecting the diversity of practices and the local convergence of interests. ; L'autonomie du champ scientifique, comprise comme sa capacité à fixer par lui-même sa composition interne, ses normes et ses objets, résulte d'ajustements et de compromis entre deux forces antagonistes : d'un côté, l'inscription du développement scientifique et technique dans un certain contexte social dont il tire ses ressources et qui tend à le mettre sous la dépendance d'objectifs et d'enjeux qui dépassent la seule communauté des chercheurs ; de l'autre, une défense inlassable de l'autonomie scientifique comme nécessité politique et épistémologique, provenant souvent des chercheurs eux-mêmes.Les modifications contemporaines des modes de gouvernance de la recherche scientifique posent dans ce cadre des questions proprement épistémologiques : quel type et quel degré d'autonomie faut-il accorder au champ scientifique d'une part, et aux chercheurs individuels d'autre part, pour optimiser la production des connaissances ? Comment organiser, institutionnaliser l'effort de recherche de manière à ce que la limitation de l'autonomie qui en résulte soit positive sur le plan épistémologique ?Notre thèse adopte ainsi une perspective philosophique sur des questions souvent réservées aux économistes et autres spécialistes du management de la recherche.Tout d'abord, nous proposons une recension des argumentaires élaborés pour défendre l'autonomie de la science et la liberté de recherche comme une nécessité épistémologique. Nous reconstruisons sur cette base deux thèses pro-autonomie qui doivent être prises au sérieux, car leurs critiques classiques échouent à les disqualifier de manière convaincante. La "thèse libérale" pose que la liberté individuelle des chercheurs favorise la productivité épistémique, en motivant la créativité, l'anticonformisme, la diversification des problèmes, questions et objets de recherche. La thèse "anti-utilitariste" distingue une science fondamentale d'une science appliquée en fonction des questions ou des objets étudiés et affirme la supériorité épistémique d'une recherche dédiée à des problèmes exclusivement cognitifs.Nous menons ensuite l'analyse critique de ces deux thèses. Nous abordons en un premier temps la thèse libérale à travers une mise en cause du modèle de la dynamique de la recherche qui la sous-tend. Contre la mise en valeur de la science comme activité exploratoire, nous proposons, justifions et renouvelons la perspective pragmatiste sur l'enquête sur la base d'études de cas et des travaux contemporains liés au practical turn.Nous revenons dans un second temps sur la thèse anti-utilitariste, en critiquant tout d'abord la distinction entre science fondamentale et science appliquée comme introduisantartificiellement une rupture entre les types de pratiques en fonction des objectifs qu'elles s'assignent. Nous proposons de déplacer cette opposition en élaborant une distinction entre des problèmes que nous qualifions d'endogènes, émergeant dans le cours des pratiques scientifiques, et des problèmes exogènes identifiés à l'extérieur du champ scientifique.En prenant l'histoire de la biologie moléculaire comme illustration, nous montrons la perméabilité constitutive du processus de recherche aux problèmes exogènes, nous détaillons certains mécanismes de ces interactions dans le cas des objets complexes, et nous montrons en quoi cette perméabilité est épistémologiquement positive.Enfin, dans un dernier temps, nous prolongeons ces analyses épistémologiques sur le plan pratique, en tentant d'en déduire des conditions de financement qui satisfassent les propriétés de la dynamique de la recherche précédemment dégagées. Contre la sélection trop centralisée des projets sur la base de l'évaluation par les pairs, d'une part, et la différentiation des sources de financement en fonction des objets ou de types de recherche, nous proposons un schéma de financement décentralisé et participatif reflétant la diversité des pratiques et la convergence locale des intérêts.

The autonomy of the scientific field, understood as its ability to set itself its internal composition, its norms and its objects, is the result of compromises between two antagonistic forces : on the one hand, the inscription of scientific and technical development in a certain social context that provides it with the resources it needs and that tends to put it under the dependence of objectives foreign to the scientific community ; on the other hand, a defense of scientific autonomy as a political and epistemological necessity. The emergence of a need for the control of scientific progress, and the raise of the dependence of research to market economy, seems to result in the relative downturn of this call for autonomy.In that context, the current modifications in the way scientific research is governed raise epistemological questions : which degree of autonomy should we grant the scientific field, and individual researchers, in order to optimize the knowledge production ? How should we organize scientific research so that the limitations of its autonomy have positive epistemological effects ? In this thesis, we adopt a properly philosophical perspective on issues often studied by economists and specialists of science policy management, most notably that of the best ways of funding scientific disciplines, communities, or individual researchers.First, we carry out an analysis of the arguments elaborated to defend scientific autonomy and freedom of research as an epistemological requirement. We then rebuild on this basis two pro-autonomy theses that should be taken seriously into account, for the criticisms generally leveled against them are not sound. The ''liberal thesis'' claims that individual freedom promotes epistemic productivity by motivating creativity, anticonformism, and the diversification of the problems, questions and objects under study. The ''anti-utilitarian'' thesis distinguishes between fundamental and applied science and argues for the epistemological superiority of a research exclusively ...

At the independence of Upper Volta in 1960, the city of Ouagadougou had a total of 10 secondary schools, including 3 public, 5 private Catholic, 1 private Protestant, and 1 private secular. This offer got a sounding increase since then. So, in 2013-2014, the city had more than 390 establishments. It is characterized above all by a greater diversity of actors and a strong primacy of private secular institutions. Moreover, it appears that despite this meteoric growth in school supply related to population growth, access to education remains a problem for a large part of the population. Several factors justify this situation and could be examined in many ways, including public policies and strategies implemented by actors and populations. To understand this situation and see how it is reflected on the territory of the city, this thesis has choosed to question the practices of actors, or governance, in a general way.The process of urbanization of the city appears as a relevant gateway to ask the question. Indeed, urbanization in Ouagadougou is characterized by both high population growth and significant spatial expansion. In a context of low level of public investment in the field of post-primary and secondary education, this situation results in an inability of the public school supply to meet the high demand that results. With a growing demand for education, which has emerged with the current urbanization process, and also because of investments for the development of primary education since the 1990s, the private sector (secular, Franco-Arab, Catholic, Protestant, associative, etc.) got developed. In the school year 2014-2015, it accounted for approximately 91.6% of establishments in the capital. This development of the private sector diversifies the actors implying a plurality of the modes of provision of educational service. Their interventions help to improve a failing public school offer through an increase of schools. However, there are many shortcomings related to school mapping and the quality of education, in terms of respect for official standards.This is why students and families develop several strategies both in school choice and in school attendance. These mechanisms of supply and school demand are reflected on the territory of the city. They thus make it possible to make an urban social geography to the prism of education. The aim of this thesis is to describe the spatial inequalities of post-primary and secondary education in Ouagadougou, and measure their intensities, and then explain them through the issues of governance and regional planning. The analyzes focus on the effects of the spatial distribution of school supply on the choice of schools by students and their families. To achieve this, we proceeded by a mixed analysis which resorts to qualitative and quantitative approaches. After having geo-referenced and mapped all the establishments of the city, qualitative interviews, carried out with actors of the education, made it possible to understand the modes of intervention of the various actors. The spatial transcription of governance and regional planning mechanisms in the field of post-primary and secondary education in Ouagadougou has thus been better understood. ; A l'indépendance de la Haute-Volta en 1960, la ville de Ouagadougou comptait au total 10 établissements secondaires dont 3 publics, 5 privés catholiques, 1 privé protestant et 1 privé laïc. Cette offre a considérablement augmenté depuis lors, de sorte qu'en 2013-2014, la ville compte plus de 390 établissements. Elle se caractérise surtout par une plus grande diversité des acteurs et une forte primauté des établissements privés laïcs. Par ailleurs, il apparaît qu'en dépit de cette croissance fulgurante de l'offre scolaire; en lien avec la croissance démographique, l'accès à l'éducation reste problématique pour une part importante de la population. Plusieurs facteurs expliquent cette situation et pourraient être examinés sur différents registres dont les politiques publiques et les stratégies mises en œuvre par les acteurs et les populations. Pour comprendre cette situation et voir comment elle se traduit sur le territoire de la ville, la présente thèse a opté d'interroger les pratiques des acteurs, ou plus globalement la gouvernance.Le processus d'urbanisation de la ville apparaît comme une porte d'entrée pertinente pour poser la question. En effet, l'urbanisation à Ouagadougou se caractérise aussi bien par une forte croissance démographique que par une importante extension spatiale. Dans un contexte de faible niveau d'investissement public dans le domaine de l'enseignement post-primaire et secondaire, cette situation a pour conséquence, une incapacité de l'offre scolaire publique à satisfaire la forte demande qui en résulte. Face à une demande scolaire de plus en plus importante, apparue avec le processus d'urbanisation en cours, mais aussi du fait des investissements pour le développement de l'enseignement primaire depuis les années 1990, on observe un développement du secteur privé (laïc, franco-arabe, catholique, protestant, associatif, etc.). Il regroupait pendant l'année scolaire 2014-2015, environ 91,6% des établissements de la capitale. Ce développement du privé engendre une diversité des acteurs avec une pluralité des modalités de prestation du service éducatif. Leurs interventions permettent d'améliorer une offre scolaire publique défaillante à travers un accroissement du nombre d'école. Cependant, elles comportent de nombreuses insuffisances en termes de respect des normes officielles liées à la carte scolaire et à la qualité de l'éducation.Dans ce contexte, les élèves et leurs familles développent plusieurs stratégies aussi bien dans le choix des écoles que dans la fréquentation scolaire. Ces mécanismes d'offre et de demande scolaire se traduisent sur le territoire de la ville et permettent ainsi de faire une géographie sociale urbaine au prisme de l'éducation. L'objectif de cette thèse est de décrire les inégalités spatiales d'éducation post-primaire et secondaire à Ouagadougou, de mesurer leurs intensités puis de les expliquer à travers les questions de gouvernance et d'aménagement du territoire. Les analyses portent sur les effets de la répartition spatiale de l'offre scolaire sur les pratiques de choix des écoles par les élèves et leurs familles. Pour y parvenir, nous avons procédé par une analyse mixte, recourant aux démarches qualitative et quantitative. Après avoir géo-référencé et cartographié l'ensemble des établissements de la ville, des entretiens qualitatifs, réalisés auprès d'acteurs de l'éducation, ont permis de comprendre les modalités d'intervention des différents acteurs. On a ainsi mieux cerné la transcription spatiale des mécanismes de gouvernance et d'aménagement du territoire dans le domaine de l'éducation post-primaire et secondaire à Ouagadougou.

At the independence of Upper Volta in 1960, the city of Ouagadougou had a total of 10 secondary schools, including 3 public, 5 private Catholic, 1 private Protestant, and 1 private secular. This offer got a sounding increase since then. So, in 2013-2014, the city had more than 390 establishments. It is characterized above all by a greater diversity of actors and a strong primacy of private secular institutions. Moreover, it appears that despite this meteoric growth in school supply related to population growth, access to education remains a problem for a large part of the population. Several factors justify this situation and could be examined in many ways, including public policies and strategies implemented by actors and populations. To understand this situation and see how it is reflected on the territory of the city, this thesis has choosed to question the practices of actors, or governance, in a general way.The process of urbanization of the city appears as a relevant gateway to ask the question. Indeed, urbanization in Ouagadougou is characterized by both high population growth and significant spatial expansion. In a context of low level of public investment in the field of post-primary and secondary education, this situation results in an inability of the public school supply to meet the high demand that results. With a growing demand for education, which has emerged with the current urbanization process, and also because of investments for the development of primary education since the 1990s, the private sector (secular, Franco-Arab, Catholic, Protestant, associative, etc.) got developed. In the school year 2014-2015, it accounted for approximately 91.6% of establishments in the capital. This development of the private sector diversifies the actors implying a plurality of the modes of provision of educational service. Their interventions help to improve a failing public school offer through an increase of schools. However, there are many shortcomings related to school mapping and the quality of education, in terms of respect for official standards.This is why students and families develop several strategies both in school choice and in school attendance. These mechanisms of supply and school demand are reflected on the territory of the city. They thus make it possible to make an urban social geography to the prism of education. The aim of this thesis is to describe the spatial inequalities of post-primary and secondary education in Ouagadougou, and measure their intensities, and then explain them through the issues of governance and regional planning. The analyzes focus on the effects of the spatial distribution of school supply on the choice of schools by students and their families. To achieve this, we proceeded by a mixed analysis which resorts to qualitative and quantitative approaches. After having geo-referenced and mapped all the establishments of the city, qualitative interviews, carried out with actors of the education, made it possible to understand the modes of intervention of the various actors. The spatial transcription of governance and regional planning mechanisms in the field of post-primary and secondary education in Ouagadougou has thus been better understood. ; A l'indépendance de la Haute-Volta en 1960, la ville de Ouagadougou comptait au total 10 établissements secondaires dont 3 publics, 5 privés catholiques, 1 privé protestant et 1 privé laïc. Cette offre a considérablement augmenté depuis lors, de sorte qu'en 2013-2014, la ville compte plus de 390 établissements. Elle se caractérise surtout par une plus grande diversité des acteurs et une forte primauté des établissements privés laïcs. Par ailleurs, il apparaît qu'en dépit de cette croissance fulgurante de l'offre scolaire; en lien avec la croissance démographique, l'accès à l'éducation reste problématique pour une part importante de la population. Plusieurs facteurs expliquent cette situation et pourraient être examinés sur différents registres dont les politiques publiques et les stratégies mises en œuvre par les acteurs et les populations. Pour comprendre cette situation et voir comment elle se traduit sur le territoire de la ville, la présente thèse a opté d'interroger les pratiques des acteurs, ou plus globalement la gouvernance.Le processus d'urbanisation de la ville apparaît comme une porte d'entrée pertinente pour poser la question. En effet, l'urbanisation à Ouagadougou se caractérise aussi bien par une forte croissance démographique que par une importante extension spatiale. Dans un contexte de faible niveau d'investissement public dans le domaine de l'enseignement post-primaire et secondaire, cette situation a pour conséquence, une incapacité de l'offre scolaire publique à satisfaire la forte demande qui en résulte. Face à une demande scolaire de plus en plus importante, apparue avec le processus d'urbanisation en cours, mais aussi du fait des investissements pour le développement de l'enseignement primaire depuis les années 1990, on observe un développement du secteur privé (laïc, franco-arabe, catholique, protestant, associatif, etc.). Il regroupait pendant l'année scolaire 2014-2015, environ 91,6% des établissements de la capitale. Ce développement du privé engendre une diversité des acteurs avec une pluralité des modalités de prestation du service éducatif. Leurs interventions permettent d'améliorer une offre scolaire publique défaillante à travers un accroissement du nombre d'école. Cependant, elles comportent de nombreuses insuffisances en termes de respect des normes officielles liées à la carte scolaire et à la qualité de l'éducation.Dans ce contexte, les élèves et leurs familles développent plusieurs stratégies aussi bien dans le choix des écoles que dans la fréquentation scolaire. Ces mécanismes d'offre et de demande scolaire se traduisent sur le territoire de la ville et permettent ainsi de faire une géographie sociale urbaine au prisme de l'éducation. L'objectif de cette thèse est de décrire les inégalités spatiales d'éducation post-primaire et secondaire à Ouagadougou, de mesurer leurs intensités puis de les expliquer à travers les questions de gouvernance et d'aménagement du territoire. Les analyses portent sur les effets de la répartition spatiale de l'offre scolaire sur les pratiques de choix des écoles par les élèves et leurs familles. Pour y parvenir, nous avons procédé par une analyse mixte, recourant aux démarches qualitative et quantitative. Après avoir géo-référencé et cartographié l'ensemble des établissements de la ville, des entretiens qualitatifs, réalisés auprès d'acteurs de l'éducation, ont permis de comprendre les modalités d'intervention des différents acteurs. On a ainsi mieux cerné la transcription spatiale des mécanismes de gouvernance et d'aménagement du territoire dans le domaine de l'éducation post-primaire et secondaire à Ouagadougou.