Abstract The Moroccan mountains offer unique zones of biological and cultural diversity, yet most of their inhabitants suffer from poverty and vulnerability, and their ecosystems are highly vulnerable to natural hazards and environmental degradation. This research paper attempts to shed light on the role of actors in establishing a governance model that considers the peculiarities of development in mountainous regions. It further highlights the importance that governance has become in the process of evaluating territorial management as well as its role in managing development in the Moroccan mountain areas in general, while focusing on the Tichoukt massif in particular, as it is an integral part of the Moroccan mountain system. We therefore adopted a field study in which we worked on an inventory of the actors directly concerned with development at the massif level, whether at the local, provincial or regional level, defining their roles, goals and strategies, and understanding the structure of the relationships between them and then evaluate its implications on the reality of territorial governance in the field of study. Accordingly, the results of the field study analysis showed us that the mountain regions in general, and the Tichoukt massif in particular, lack basic actors capable of coordinating the interventions of the rest of the actors in the field of development, and that their positions do not correspond with the broad powers granted to them by the Constitution and the Charter of Administrative Decentralization. Keywords : territorial governance, actors, Tichoukt massif, strategies, territorial foresight. ملخص: تقدم الجبال المغربية مجاالت فريدة من التنوع االحيائي والثقافي، اال أن معظم سكانها يعانون من الفقر والهشاشة، كما أن النظم االيكولوجية بها معرضة بشكل كبير للمخاطر الطبيعية والتدهور البيئي. تحاول هذه الورقة البحثية تسليط الضوء على دور الفاعلين في ترسيخ نموذج حكامة يراعي خصوصيات التنمية بالمناطق الجبلية، نظرا الى األهمية التي أصبحت تحظى بها الحكامة في عملية تقويم التدبير الترابي، ودورها في تدبير ...
La crisi financera i econòmica mundial que viu el món globalitzat des de l'estiu de 2007 planteja la qüestió de si estem davant de la fi d'un cicle o de la fi d'un model, i posa en evidència la necessitat d'un profund debat d'idees. A banda de les causes immediates de la crisi, s'observen causes profundes que són, principalment, resultat d'un període de globalització econòmica neoliberal. Si l'efecte de la crisi als països del Nord és evident i palpable, el seu impacte als països menys desenvolupats és devastador, la revisió del Consens de Monterrey, encaminada a concretar el finançament per a l'assoliment dels Objectius de Desenvolupament del Mil·lenni, va quedar frustrada pel naixement del G20. L'abordatge polític de la crisi posa en qüestió els lideratges mundials. Si bé el G20 va voler monopolitzar el debat, finalment les Nacions Unides, de la mà del president de l'Assemblea General, el pare d'Escoto, va poder convocar la Conferència sobre la Crisi Financera i Econòmica i els seus Efectes Sobre el Desenvolupament (juny de 2009). Malgrat que els seus resultats són molt menors, i no s'hi van acordar moltes de les recomanacions del mateix president i de la Comissió Stiglitz, les conclusions de tot plegat apunten a una imprescindible reforma del sistema i de la governança de l'economia financera mundial. El "G192", es va posar, doncs, sobre la taula un model de governança democràtica mundial per abordar un crisi global d'impacte sobre la ciutadania mundial. The financial and economic crisis that has been rocking the globalised world since the summer of 2007 raises the question of whether we are looking at the end of a cycle or the end of a model and highlights the need for a thorough debate of ideas. In addition to the immediate causes of the crisis (such as the bursting of the housing bubble and the toxicity of the financial markets), several deep-rooted causes can be found, most resulting from a period of neo-liberal economic globalisation. Whilst the crisis has had a clear and tangible impact on the countries of the North, it has been calamitous for less developed countries. The damage is compounded by the fact that the review of the Monterrey Consensus, intended to find the necessary financing to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, was thwarted by the emergence of the G20. The political hijacking of the crisis casts doubt on global leadership. Although the G20 monopolised the debate, in the end, the United Nations (UN), under the leadership of the president of the General Assembly, Father Miguel d'Escoto, managed to convene the Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on Development (June 2009). Despite the conference's modest results and the fact that no agreement was reached on many of the recommendations made by the president or the 'Stiglitz Commission', the conclusions as a whole point towards a crucial need to reform the system and governance bodies of the global financial economy. To this end, within the context of the UN, or 'G192', a model of global democratic governance was tabled to address a global crisis with an impact on global citizens ; Postprint (published version)
La crisi financera i econòmica mundial que viu el món globalitzat des de l'estiu de 2007 planteja la qüestió de si estem davant de la fi d'un cicle o de la fi d'un model, i posa en evidència la necessitat d'un profund debat d'idees. A banda de les causes immediates de la crisi, s'observen causes profundes que són, principalment, resultat d'un període de globalització econòmica neoliberal. Si l'efecte de la crisi als països del Nord és evident i palpable, el seu impacte als països menys desenvolupats és devastador, la revisió del Consens de Monterrey, encaminada a concretar el finançament per a l'assoliment dels Objectius de Desenvolupament del Mil·lenni, va quedar frustrada pel naixement del G20. L'abordatge polític de la crisi posa en qüestió els lideratges mundials. Si bé el G20 va voler monopolitzar el debat, finalment les Nacions Unides, de la mà del president de l'Assemblea General, el pare d'Escoto, va poder convocar la Conferència sobre la Crisi Financera i Econòmica i els seus Efectes Sobre el Desenvolupament (juny de 2009). Malgrat que els seus resultats són molt menors, i no s'hi van acordar moltes de les recomanacions del mateix president i de la Comissió Stiglitz, les conclusions de tot plegat apunten a una imprescindible reforma del sistema i de la governança de l'economia financera mundial. El "G192", es va posar, doncs, sobre la taula un model de governança democràtica mundial per abordar un crisi global d'impacte sobre la ciutadania mundial. The financial and economic crisis that has been rocking the globalised world since the summer of 2007 raises the question of whether we are looking at the end of a cycle or the end of a model and highlights the need for a thorough debate of ideas. In addition to the immediate causes of the crisis (such as the bursting of the housing bubble and the toxicity of the financial markets), several deep-rooted causes can be found, most resulting from a period of neo-liberal economic globalisation. Whilst the crisis has had a clear and tangible impact on the countries of the North, it has been calamitous for less developed countries. The damage is compounded by the fact that the review of the Monterrey Consensus, intended to find the necessary financing to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, was thwarted by the emergence of the G20. The political hijacking of the crisis casts doubt on global leadership. Although the G20 monopolised the debate, in the end, the United Nations (UN), under the leadership of the president of the General Assembly, Father Miguel d'Escoto, managed to convene the Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on Development (June 2009). Despite the conference's modest results and the fact that no agreement was reached on many of the recommendations made by the president or the 'Stiglitz Commission', the conclusions as a whole point towards a crucial need to reform the system and governance bodies of the global financial economy. To this end, within the context of the UN, or 'G192', a model of global democratic governance was tabled to address a global crisis with an impact on global citizens ; Postprint (published version)
Assembly of the Union Thirty-Second Ordinary Session 10 - 11 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; During the 28th Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly of Heads of State and Government, held on the 30-31 January 2017 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Member States of the Union (hereinafter Member States)resolved in its decision Assembly/AU/Dec. 631(XXVIII) to seize the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) with the responsibility to "play a monitoring and evaluation role for the African Union Agenda 2063 and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals Agenda 2030".
هدفت هذه الد اسة إلى كلفلة الإ تق ل من الرؤية الفردية لا إدا ة المؤسس ت اللأقفلة إلى عأ مؤسسي ف ل۔ وق م البحث اولاً ببل ن مفالأم الحلأكأة لغة واصطلاح , ثم ا تق الى ت ريف ت المنظأ ت الدوللة لمفالأم الحلأكأة, وعلاقة الحلأكأة بم فحة الفس د الم لي والادا ي, وب ده است راض المؤسس ت اللأقفلة قديم , وحديث , ع لمل , وعربل , واوضح دو المؤسس ت اللأقفلة فى التنألة المستدامة للأجتأع, وبين البحث ال رك ت اللأقفلة الحديثة لغة واصطلاح , وبين كلفلة ا ء هذه ال رك ت. وك ت م لة البحث نين إدا ة ني لب المؤسس ت اللأقفلة, تغلب عللا الرؤية والإجتا دات الفردية, لا علر تنلأعت فلا ال للأم والما ات الادا ية الحديثة, لذلك اجتاد البحث لايج د وقد اقترح ,"SGPMO", ح لهذه الم لة, ببن ء الم تب الإستراتلجي لإدا ة الحلأكأة وا داء البحث نملأذج للحلأكأة وا داء, ق ئ على ثلاث مح و هي "المأ ن ت, والسأ ت, وال ألل ت" وك محلأ بداخلا ثم لة عن صر لتف للا, وي أ م تب الحلأكأة لا ثلاث مستلأيات داخ المؤسس ت اللأقفلة حتى يستطلع حلأكأة هذه المؤسس ت ب ك م , وهي " المستلأى الاستراتلجي, والمستلأى التنفلذي, والمستلأى الت غللي", وداخ ك مستلأى يت تنفلذ مجألأعة من اللأظ ئف۔ ; The Role of Governance in WAQF Development and Sustainability. This study aimed at "how to move from individual vision in the management of WAQF institutions to effective institutional work. The study first introduced the concept of governance in terms of language and terminology. He then went on to the definitions of international organizations for the concept of governance, as well as the relationship of governance to combating financial and administrative corruption. He explained the role of foundations in the sustainable development of society. The research of modern waqf companies has shown language and terminology, and how to establish these companies. The problem of research was that the management of most Waqf institutions, dominated by vision and individual judgments, in an age of diverse science and modern management skills. The research proposed a model of governance and performance, based on three axes: "enablers, themes, processes" and each axis with eight elements to activate it. The Corporate Governance and Performance Management Office operates at three levels within Waqf institutions, namely, "Strategic Level, Executive Level and Operational Level". A range of functions are implemented within each level. ; Bu çalışma Vakıf kurumlarının yönetiminde bireysel vizyondan etkin kurumsal çalışmaya nasıl geçileceğini hedef almıştır. Çalışmada ilk olarak dil ve terminoloji açısından yönetişim kavramı tanıtıldı. Ardından yönetişim kavramı için uluslararası örgütlerin tanımlarına devam etti. Yönetişimin finansal ve idari yolsuzlukla mücadeleyle ilişkisinin yanı sıra. Vakfın toplumun sürdürülebilir kalkınmasındaki rolünü açıkladı. Araştırma modern vakıf şirketlerinin dili ve terminolojisi ile bu şirketlerin nasıl kurulacağı olarak tanımlandı. Araştırma sorunu, vizyon ve bireysel kararların hakim olduğu vakıf kurumlarının çoğunun, çeşitli bilim ve modern yönetim becerileri çağında yönetilmesiydi. Araştırma, üç eksene dayanan bir yönetişim ve performans modeli önerdi: "etkinleştiriciler, temalar, süreçler" ve her ekseni harekete geçirmek için sekiz unsurla birlikte. Yönetim ve Performans Yönetimi Ofisi, "Stratejik Seviye, Yönetici Seviyesi ve Operasyonel Seviye" olmak üzere üç düzeyde faaliyet göstermektedir.
This master's thesis approaches the debate around biotechnology, genetically modified organisms (GMOs) and the notion of food sovereignty as they are addressed by an Indian, food sovereignty activist group called Navdanya. Basing on the material produced by Navdanya, I am determining, by the means of a theory guided content analysis, what kind of an alternative food sovereignty is. Furthermore, I am examining how food sovereignty can be considered as a means of resistance to the impacts of the GMOs in India. I am arguing that the introduction of the GMOs to India created an opportunity to govern populations and furthermore life and nature. I am examining this by utilising Michel Foucault's theory of biopolitics as a theoretical framework. In order to find out how governance and resistance are practiced, I utilise Foucault's notions of truth and power by illustrating how they can be utilised as a means to create governance and resistance. Therefore, I formulated a "truth regime of biotechnology" to represent the governance, operated by the actors supporting the utilisation of the GMOs, as well as to describe how the governance is created and justified under the regime. As a means of resistance, Navdanya produces alternative truths and puts into practice an alternative of food sovereignty – "the new politics of truth". Navdanya succeeds in its resistance by managing to create the alternative truth of food sovereignty, which does not utilise or reproduce the truths of the biotechnology regime. Navdanya does this by managing to detach the power of the biotechnology regime's truths from their economic and political roles they play in society. The traditional complexity with resistance, in relation to the State of India, is present, which can be however explained by utilising the new ways in approaching the notion of resistance in the context of the Global South.
ان حجم ظاهرة الفساد في العالمآخذة في التفاقم، إلى درجة أن اثاره صارت تهدد مجتمعات كثيرة بالانهيار ، لكن الدلائل القاطعة أثبتت انه كلما حقق المجتمعات قدرا اعلى من الديمقراطية والشفافية، يزداد دور مؤسسات المجتمع المدني والمنظمات الدولية ، في مكافحة الفساد ومحاصرته، أي كلما زادت جودة الحكم تقلص مستوى الفساد ، وظاهرة الفساد في الجزائر حقيقة موجودة منذ الاستقلال لاسبيل لانكارها، بل ان حجمه ازداد ودائرته اتسعت، وجرائمه انتشرت، لدرجة انها صارت اخطر على الدول من جرائم الارهاب، خاصة مع بداية انطلاق المشاريع التنموية مطلع القرن الحالي ، تاركة الجزائر في مؤخرة الترتيب العالمي لأقل الدول فسادا ; The size of the phenomenon of corruption in the world is getting worse to the point that its effects become threatening many societies to collapse. But the evidence unequivocal proved that whenever communities and societies achieved a higher level of democracy and transparency, the role of civil society organizations and international organizations increases to fight against corruption; i.e. the higher the governance's quality, the diminished level of corruption. The phenomenon of corruption in Algeria is a fact which exists since independence and there is no way to deny it. But its size has increased, his circle has widened and his crimes have propagated to the extent that it becomes more dangerous on the state than terrorism's crimes on the state. This raise was more apparent on the 21st century onset especially with the beginning of development projects. According to several international organizations interested in corruption, Algeria is in the front of the ranking of countries the most corrupted.
Kunnat ovat suuren muutoksen keskellä. Kuntarakenneuudistus sekä sosiaali- ja terveydenhuollon palvelurakenneuudistus tulevat muuttamaan kuntien hallintoa merkittävästi. Kari Hakarin tutkimus tarkastelee yhden suuren kaupungin hallinnonuudistusta uuden julkisen hallinnan teorian näkökulmasta. Uusi julkinen hallinta on kunnallishallinnon uudistamisen kolmas vaihe, joka on kehittynyt perinteisestä julkishallinnosta ja tätä seuranneesta uudesta julkisjohtamisesta. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on arvioida, onko uudesta julkisesta hallinnasta kuntien hallinnonuudistusten uudeksi suunnaksi. Tutkimuksella tuetaan myös kuntien käytännön kehittämistoimintaa. Tutkimuskohteena on Tampereen kaupungin toteuttama kokonaisvaltainen toimintamallin uudistus. Uudistus muodostuu kolmesta osasta: pormestarijärjestelmästä, tilaaja–tuottaja-mallista sekä asiakaslähtöisestä prosessiajattelusta. Tutkimustulokset osoittavat, että Tampereen muutosprosessi toteuttaa varsin hyvin uuden julkisen hallinnan mukaista ajattelua. Se ei kuitenkaan edusta tätä moderneimmillaan, vaan perustuu vahvasti sekä byrokraattisen organisaation rakenteisiin että uuden julkisjohtamisen mukaiseen markkinoistumisen tavoitteeseen. Näyttää siltä, että Tampereenkin toimintamalli kaipaa päivittämistä, jotta se pystyy vastaamaan paremmin tulevaisuuden haasteisiin. Moderni uuden julkisen hallinnan kokonaisuus kuntien hallinnon kehittämisen näkökulmasta muodostuu 1) avoimesta kumppanuudesta asukkaiden, palvelutuottajien ja muiden sidosryhmien kanssa, 2) paikallisuuden ja yhteisöllisyyden korostamisesta, 3) monimuotoisesta suorasta ja edustuksellisesta demokratiasta, 4) asiakaslähtöisestä palvelujen kehittämisestä, 5) tulosperusteisesta palveluiden hankinnasta sekä 6) monimuotoisesta palvelutuotannosta. Muutos vallankäytössä on yksi uuden julkisen hallinnan ominaispiirre. Kunnan johtaminen edellyttää monimutkaistuvassa yhteiskunnassa uusia välineitä ja toimintatapoja. Tutkimuksen mukaan moderni kunnan johtaminen perustuu onnistuneelle yhdistelmälle pehmeää ja kovaa valtaa. Tutkimuksen mukaan uusi julkinen hallinta voi kehittyä kuntien hallinnonuudistusten perustaksi. Tätä tukee se, että uudessa julkisessa hallinnassa kehittämisperiaatteet muodostavat loogisen kokonaisuuden, jota voidaan käytännössä toteuttaa monin välinein erilaisissa tilanteissa. Lisäksi on olemassa ilmeinen tarve yhteiselle visiolle, jotta välttämättä edessä oleva kuntien hallinnonuudistus pystytään toteuttamaan. Uudet, isot reformit tarvitsevat aina mallin, johon muutos voidaan perustaa. Uuden julkisen hallinnan kehittymistä tukee myös se, että hallinnon kehittämisen käytännön toteutukset sekä kansainvälisesti että Suomessa toteuttavat jo monella tavoin uuden julkisen hallinnan mukaisia hallinnonuudistuksen kehityssuuntia. Tutkimus tuo uutta tietoa uuden julkisen hallinnan käytännön toteutuksesta suuressa suomalaisessa kaupungissa. Se näyttää myös suuntaa kuntien kehittämistyölle yhdistäen käytäntöä ja teoriaa ja tuo näin tietoa sekä käytännön kuntien kehittämistehtävissä toimiville että tutkijoille. Tampereen toimintamallin päivittämiselle se tarjoaa päämäärän, jota kohti edetä. ; The subject of this dissertation is the new public governance from the perspective of the local government management reforms. The research question is: how is the new public governance reflected in local government reforms? The research ques-tion will be examined from the perspectives of theory, practice and power relations. The empirical object of the study is the management reform of the City of Tampere, Finland. The reform includes three parts: the mayoral system, the purchaser-provider model and the customer-oriented process organization. The study also aims at the development of municipal operations, and presents new public governance as a comprehensive "theory of practice", which combines theory and practice and allows municipalities to find perspectives, tools and a theoretical framework for their management reforms. The study consists of four separate published sub-studies and this summary. The first sub-study deals with the theory of new public governance within the framework of the management reform of the City of Tampere. The second and third sub-studies are concerned with a variety of practical implementations of new public governance in the City of Tampere management reform. The fourth sub-project addresses power relations. In this summary the results are presented from the perspective of a management model, networked service development and the change in the exercise of power. Questionnaires were the empirical basis of the first two sub-studies, the third examined written documents and used interviews with experts and fourth sub-study relied on theme interviews with directors. New public governance (NPG) represents the third wave of the management re-forms evolving from a traditional public administration, and that following the new public management. An essential feature of the new public governance is that it does not completely reject earlier administrative reforms, but rather complements them with new solutions. NPG is based on the view that the public administration is no longer able alone to control society, but the success of governance is based on the partnership with the private and third sectors as well as with the citizens. Within the framework of new public governance one can, at least to some extent, identify three distinct trends. The differences between the trends are mainly in emphasis placed on various matters. Discussion of the new public governance started in network governance. Next, the new public governance was discussed from the perspective of democratic decision-making and public participation. The third emphasis seems to be on the new public governance as a development of customer-focused services and co-production. The results show that the process of change of the City of Tampere can be imple-mented quite well within the new public governance paradigm. At the beginning of the process the new public management was a decided basis of the reform. In the phases of preparation and implementation constraints and international experiences of weaknesses were perceived in the new public management model. On the basis of this, the management model has been developed further so that issues of new public governance such as local democracy, participation, networks and transparency of government have become stronger. The management model of Tampere does not, however, represent the new public governance in its modern form. The Tampere model is built on a basis of democracy and regulation of traditional public administration as well as the quasi-markets of the new public management. The modern new public governance reform seems to be moving especially towards a customer-oriented service development. According to this study the change in the use of power seems to be one of the characteristics of society's growing complexity and new public governance. There is a need for new instruments for leadership and in the exercise of power in an in-creasingly complex society. The modern municipal leadership is based on a suc-cessful combination of soft and hard power. The growth of new public governance as the next paradigm of management re-forms can be justified from three different perspectives. First, the new public gov-ernance is a logical entity. It brings together coherent principles of management reform, which can be implemented in practice by a variety of techniques in different situations. Second, there is an obvious need for a common vision for local gov-ernment reforms. New, large-scale reforms always need a new paradigm in which a change can be set up. There is a need for a common vision for the municipalities and their functions in order to implement local government reform. The new public governance could be the entirety that can show the way for the necessary man-agement reform of municipalities in Finland. Third, the practical implementations of management reforms both internationally and in Finland are already realizing the trends of management reform of new public governance in a number of ways.
