Shui de zheng zhi: zur politischen Theorie, Praxis und Kritik globaler Governance
In: Zheng zhi yu gong gong guan li yi cong
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In: Zheng zhi yu gong gong guan li yi cong
"Academic governance" is a term which is little known and rarely used in Polish literaturę. However, this term is essential to understand the extensive literaturę on higher education reforms and models published in various countries. When discussing academic governance Solutions, Polish literaturę usually uses the term system (system) to refer to the external environment of universities and the term ustrój (internal organisation) to talk about Solutions within universities. In the first part of his paper, the author defines the notions of academic governance, external academic governance and internal academic governance and then discusses academic governance Solutions in the European Union, English-speaking countries (example of the USA) and in Poland. While in 1960s the European reforms of academic governance were inspired by public governance, the governance structures in the private sector have become the model in recent years. Research confirms that the changes in governance are heading, albeit falteringly, towards an increased marketisation of the European higher education. In Poland, the marketisation of the education system has meant, above all, the emergence of the non-public sector alongside a non-market system, the latter persisting in the public higher education sector. ; Ład akademicki (academic governance) to termin mato znany i rzadko używany w polskiej literaturze przedmiotu. Bez jego wprowadzenia trudno jednak czerpać z dorobku bogatej literatury światowej na temat reform i modeli szkolnictwa wyższego. W polskiej literaturze przy omawianiu rozwiązań dotyczących ładu akademickiego w zewnętrznym otoczeniu uczelni używa się zwykle terminu "system", jeśli natomiast omawia się rozwiązania wewnątrz uczelni, stosuje się zazwyczaj termin "ustrój". W pierwszej części artykułu autor definiuje pojęcia "ład akademicki" oraz "zewnętrzny ład akademicki" i "wewnętrzny ład akademicki", w następnych omawia rozwiązania w dziedzinie ładu akademickiego w Unii Europejskiej, w krajach anglosaskich (na przykładzie Stanów Zjednoczonych) oraz w Polsce. Podczas gdy w latach sześćdziesiątych )0( w. europejskie reformy ładu akademickiego czerpały inspirację z ładu publicznego, to obecnie wzorcem są struktury zarządzania w sektorze prywatnym. Wyniki badań potwierdzają, że zmiany sterowania systemu idą, choć niepewnym krokiem, w kierunku większego urynkowienia europejskiego obszaru szkolnictwa wyższego. W Polsce urynkowienie systemu szkolnictwa jak dotąd polegało głównie na stworzeniu sektora szkół niepublicznych, z jednoczesnym zachowaniem systemu nierynkowego w publicznym sektorze szkolnictwa wyższego.
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It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]
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It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]
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Leung, Yan Cheong. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-159). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter ■ --- Research Objectives --- p.3 ; Chapter ■ --- Literature Review --- p.5 ; Chapter ■ --- Use of Primary Sources --- p.9 ; Chapter ■ --- Structure --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Governing Objectives behind the Railway Developments --- p.13 ; Chapter ■ --- Initial Motives --- p.13 ; Chapter ■ --- Political Objectives and Financial Concerns as the Determinative Factors --- p.22 ; Chapter ■ --- Railway Developments since the 1970s --- p.33 ; Chapter ■ --- Changing Meanings of Success in Railway Development --- p.35 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 2 --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Hong Kong-London Relations and the MTR Development (I): Bilateral Negotiation and the Decisions on the MTR --- p.37 ; Chapter ■ --- Nature of London-Hong Kong Relations after the WWII --- p.37 ; Chapter ■ --- The Contract Approaches --- p.40 ; Chapter ■ --- The Process of Bilateral Negotiation --- p.42 ; Chapter ■ --- Hong Kong Government´ةs Strategy --- p.43 ; Chapter ■ --- London´ةs Strategy --- p.46 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 3 --- p.53 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Hong Kong-London Relations and the MTR Development (II): Negotiation Breakdown and Its Impacts --- p.55 ; Chapter ■ --- The Negotiation Breakdown --- p.55 ; Chapter ■ --- The Adoption of Multi-contract Approach: a Contingency Plan --- p.59 ; Chapter ■ --- Collaborate with London --- p.64 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 4 --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Colonial Governance and Major Decisions on the MTR in the 1970s --- p.70 ; Chapter ■ --- The Establishment of MTRC --- p.70 ; Chapter ■ --- Optimizing the Project --- p.75 ; Chapter ■ --- Civil Protests and Crises Management --- p.83 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 5 --- p.91 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- A Review on the Modernization of Kowloon-Canton Railway --- p.93 ; Chapter ■ --- KCR´ةs ...
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謝尚偉. ; "2008年8月". ; "2008 nian 8 yue". ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-218). ; Abstracts in Chinese and English. ; Xie Shangwei. ; Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.7 ; Chapter (一) --- 緒 言 --- p.7 ; Chapter (二) --- 「西南事變」與「兩廣事變」 --- p.17 ; Chapter (三) --- 前人研究概論 --- p.21 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 國民黨廣東地方政權的特徵 --- p.47 ; Chapter (一) --- 革命正統與半獨立實況間的矛盾 --- p.50 ; Chapter (二) --- 現代國家建構與地方政權 --- p.54 ; Chapter (三) --- 直達基層的軍事教化 --- p.60 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 思想灌輸 --- p.73 ; Chapter (一) --- 地方主義與國家主義的悖理 --- p.76 ; Chapter (二) --- 效忠黨國與叛逆中央的矛盾 --- p.91 ; Chapter (三) --- 保守思想與時代潮流的背離 --- p.104 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 社會控制 --- p.117 ; Chapter (一) --- 軍事化的地方行政系統 --- p.120 ; Chapter (二) --- 整飭學風 --- p.130 ; Chapter (三) --- 國民革命與專制統治 --- p.140 ; Chapter 第五章 --- 軍事動員 --- p.147 ; Chapter (一) --- 第一集團軍為主軸的廣東武裝力量 --- p.151 ; Chapter (二) --- 派系整肅與嫡系獨大 --- p.160 ; Chapter (三) --- 動員的失效 --- p.170 ; Chapter 第六章 --- 結語:對國民黨地方政權統治危機的審視 --- p.184 ; 參考書目 --- p.193
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