Suchergebnisse

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

Leung, Yan Cheong. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-159). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter ■ --- Research Objectives --- p.3 ; Chapter ■ --- Literature Review --- p.5 ; Chapter ■ --- Use of Primary Sources --- p.9 ; Chapter ■ --- Structure --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Governing Objectives behind the Railway Developments --- p.13 ; Chapter ■ --- Initial Motives --- p.13 ; Chapter ■ --- Political Objectives and Financial Concerns as the Determinative Factors --- p.22 ; Chapter ■ --- Railway Developments since the 1970s --- p.33 ; Chapter ■ --- Changing Meanings of Success in Railway Development --- p.35 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 2 --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Hong Kong-London Relations and the MTR Development (I): Bilateral Negotiation and the Decisions on the MTR --- p.37 ; Chapter ■ --- Nature of London-Hong Kong Relations after the WWII --- p.37 ; Chapter ■ --- The Contract Approaches --- p.40 ; Chapter ■ --- The Process of Bilateral Negotiation --- p.42 ; Chapter ■ --- Hong Kong Government´ةs Strategy --- p.43 ; Chapter ■ --- London´ةs Strategy --- p.46 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 3 --- p.53 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Hong Kong-London Relations and the MTR Development (II): Negotiation Breakdown and Its Impacts --- p.55 ; Chapter ■ --- The Negotiation Breakdown --- p.55 ; Chapter ■ --- The Adoption of Multi-contract Approach: a Contingency Plan --- p.59 ; Chapter ■ --- Collaborate with London --- p.64 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 4 --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Colonial Governance and Major Decisions on the MTR in the 1970s --- p.70 ; Chapter ■ --- The Establishment of MTRC --- p.70 ; Chapter ■ --- Optimizing the Project --- p.75 ; Chapter ■ --- Civil Protests and Crises Management --- p.83 ; Chapter ■ --- Summary of Chapter 5 --- p.91 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- A Review on the Modernization of Kowloon-Canton Railway --- p.93 ; Chapter ■ --- KCR´ةs ...

謝尚偉. ; "2008年8月". ; "2008 nian 8 yue". ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-218). ; Abstracts in Chinese and English. ; Xie Shangwei. ; Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.7 ; Chapter (一) --- 緒 言 --- p.7 ; Chapter (二) --- 「西南事變」與「兩廣事變」 --- p.17 ; Chapter (三) --- 前人研究概論 --- p.21 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 國民黨廣東地方政權的特徵 --- p.47 ; Chapter (一) --- 革命正統與半獨立實況間的矛盾 --- p.50 ; Chapter (二) --- 現代國家建構與地方政權 --- p.54 ; Chapter (三) --- 直達基層的軍事教化 --- p.60 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 思想灌輸 --- p.73 ; Chapter (一) --- 地方主義與國家主義的悖理 --- p.76 ; Chapter (二) --- 效忠黨國與叛逆中央的矛盾 --- p.91 ; Chapter (三) --- 保守思想與時代潮流的背離 --- p.104 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 社會控制 --- p.117 ; Chapter (一) --- 軍事化的地方行政系統 --- p.120 ; Chapter (二) --- 整飭學風 --- p.130 ; Chapter (三) --- 國民革命與專制統治 --- p.140 ; Chapter 第五章 --- 軍事動員 --- p.147 ; Chapter (一) --- 第一集團軍為主軸的廣東武裝力量 --- p.151 ; Chapter (二) --- 派系整肅與嫡系獨大 --- p.160 ; Chapter (三) --- 動員的失效 --- p.170 ; Chapter 第六章 --- 結語:對國民黨地方政權統治危機的審視 --- p.184 ; 參考書目 --- p.193