Suchergebnisse

Šport je z modernizacijo družbe in intenzivnejšo globalizacijo postal visoko organiziran in strukturiran globalni fenomen. Na njegov razvoj so vplivali različni dejavniki, vodenje na globalni ravni pa so prevzele mednarodne športne organizacije, v prvi vrsti Mednarodni olimpijski komite (MOK), okrog katerega se je izoblikoval t. i. reguliran olimpijski sistem. Disciplina Mednarodnih odnosov v primerjavi z ostalimi družbenimi vedami zaostaja pri proučevanju globalnega športa, ki tako ostaja eden manj vidnih in proučevanih vidikov globalnega vladanja. Eden od razlogov za to je tudi odsotnost resne in sistematične teoretske analize. Za zapolnitev te vrzeli je cilj magistrskega dela odgovoriti na vprašanje, kako lahko z uporabo teorij mednarodnih odnosov in analizo olimpijskega sistema z značilnostmi globalnega vladanja razumemo nastanek, obstoj in delovanje globalnega vladanja na področju športa kot enega izmed področij globalnega vladanja. Opredelitev reguliranega olimpijskega sistema kot globalnega vladanja na področju športa omogoča uporabo prevladujočih teorij mednarodnih odnosov (realizma, liberalizma, konstruktivizma, marksističnih teorij) na tem področju. Te v okviru svojih zmožnosti razlagajo in pojasnjujejo delovanje globalnega vladanja na področju športa, skupno pa izpostavijo pomembne elemente in pojave globalnega športnega vladanja. Analiza ponudi razmislek o nadaljnjem teoretičnem raziskovanju tega področja. ; The modernisation of society and intensive globalisation led sport to become a highly organised and structured phenomenon. Its development was influenced by various factors, while management at a global level has been taken over by international sport organisations, primarily by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), around which a regulated Olympic System has developed. In the examination of global sport, as one of the less visible and explored aspects of global governance, the discipline of International Relations falls behind other social sciences. One of the reasons for this is also the absence of a systematic theoretical analysis of this area. In order to fill this gap, this master thesis aims to answer the question: how can the use of the theories of international relations and an analysis of the Olympic System with features of global governance help us understand the emergence, the existence and the functioning of global governance in the field of sport as one of the fields of global governance? The identification of the regulated Olympic System as global governance in the field of sport enables the application of dominant theories of international relations (realism, liberalism, constructivism and Marxist theories) onto this field. The theories, within the limits of their capacities, interpret and explain the functioning of global governance in the field of sport, and, as a set of theories, they highlight the important elements and phenomena of global sport governance. The analysis offers a reflection on the further theoretical exploration of this field.

There are two distant conceptual cousins that analyse the external mobilisation of subnational entities, one being European Studies – Multi-Level Governance and the other International Relations – Paradiplomacy. The article first aims to analyse each concept against the dimensions of the politik to determine the conceptual focus and find more pronounced differences in the policy and politics dimensions. The second aim is to identify the theoretical bedrock underpinning both concepts. This article proposes the analogous theory of Neo-Medievalism, establishing that it has some application here; in this sense, the two concepts may be better at explaining wider territorial reconfiguration underway in Europe. Keywords: Paradiplomacy, Multi-Level Governance, Neo-Medievalism, European Union

The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.

作為社會主義國家中央計劃的遺產,國民經濟和社會發展五年計劃/規劃是調節中國經濟社會與空間發展的重要工具。隨著中國政治經濟的轉型,五年計劃/規劃也經歷了多次顯著的轉變。尤其在"十一五"時期,五年規劃體系分別在三個地理尺度上加強了其中的空間規劃元素和地位。這包括在國家層面提出主體功能區劃,在區域層面加強區域空間規劃功能,在市縣層面進行規劃體制改革。 ; 目前,學術界還未有對五年計劃/規劃在中國轉型中所扮演的角色展開深入研究,特別是空間規劃如何轉變和行使空間管治功能。基於此,本論文採用管治的視角,構建一個基於過程的概念分析框架,以揭示五年計劃/規劃體系中的空間規劃元素轉變的基本原理和機制,也即在於探討各利益主體、制度、規劃管理和機制如何作用於五年規劃中空間規劃的發展,以及空間規劃在地方具體管治事務上的成效。具體而言,論文試圖回答以下三個相關研究問題。第一,五年規劃為何要植入新的空間規劃方法?第二,"十一五"期間,將空間規劃植入五年規劃體系的機制是什麼?第三,植入的空間規劃是否能有效的進行空間管治?通過分析空間規劃內容在國家五年計劃/規劃體系中的演變特點,以及結合江蘇省"十一五"期間的兩個案例(區域和城市兩個尺度)的研究,論文得出以下結論: ; 隨著市場化改革和經濟權力下放,中國空間發展的政治經濟環境發生了重要變化。這在客觀上需要五年計劃/規劃體系中的空間規劃內容做出相應的調整。初期,空間規劃的形式體現在以部委主導的發展項目;改革開放到"十五"計畫期間,空間規劃的形式主要體現在劃定特殊的政策區域;"十一五"規劃以來,空間規劃則以空間分類引導與約束並舉的空間發展政策框架形式出現。"十一五"以來轉變的目的是使經濟規劃與空間規劃的結合更加緊密,以克服中國當前空間管治的各種困境。但是,這種在空間規劃方法上的創新也受到了來自地方層級政府和不同規劃部門的挑戰,為其實施帶來了一些不確定因素。 ; 在區域尺度上,論文選取了江蘇省五年規劃體系中的沿江規劃作為案例。研究發現,作為省政府自上而下引導區域協調發展和區域經濟整合,約束空間無序開發的手段,沿江規劃的發展高度依賴於地方的政治經濟環境,反應了省內複雜的空間管治機制。沿江規劃稍早於省"十一五"規劃出臺。隨後,省政府將沿江規劃進行調整並植入五年規劃體系。其主要目的是為了加強沿江規劃的政治地位,以克服其早期實施時出現的危機。調整後的沿江規劃進一步突出了空間管治、區域協調發展和可持續性的目標。但是,在規劃實際實施中,沿江規劃戰略成為區內城市政府為資本積累推動新的發展項目的工具,而區域協調發展和空間可持續性問題反而被一再忽略。 ; 在城市尺度上,論文選取了國家發改委主導的蘇州"十一五"市縣規劃改革作為案例。其改革的目的主要是加強規劃協調和發展控制。然而,蘇州"十一五"時期的發展表明,市"十一五"規劃中所植入的空間規劃框架儘管加強了空間發展約束和引導的內容,但實際上其無力調整市域部門分割的空間管治關係。這主要是因為,地方的空間規劃受到來自中央規劃部門的條例、法規和指標控制等垂直管理體系的約束。另外,為了創造土地財政和刺激地方發展,城市政府試圖突破自上而下的規劃控制指標和操縱地方規劃的資料,尤其是土地開發。為此,蘇州"十一五"規劃中的空間規劃處於一個嵌套的規劃管理環境。空間規劃進而成為中央和地方在空間管治理念上博弈的犧牲品。這種空間規劃的創新,不但無法融合部門割裂的規劃功能,更不能觸動地方政府對土地財政依賴,因此無法建立空間管制的機制。 ; 總體上,經濟增長仍然是地方最為重要的規劃管治問題,進而決定了空間規劃中政治的走向。目前的空間規劃理念還主要是緩解經濟增長的限制性因素,如土地供應緊張和環境門檻提升等,而非為了建立有效的空間管治機制。 ; As a legacy of the socialist state with central planning, Five-Year Planning (FYP) is very important in regulating socio-economic and spatial development even in post-reform China. Along with the changing context of political economy, the plan has experienced remarkable transformation in the last several decades. Particularly, during the 11th FYP Period, the FYP system emphasized spatial planning at different geographic scales, such as incorporating Major Function-Oriented Zoning (MFOZ) ...

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

by Littig, Irene Brigitta. ; "April 2000." ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 219-232). ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Mode of access: World Wide Web. ; Abstracts in English and Chinese.

Magistrsko delo predstavlja tematiko večnivojskega upravljanja in sodelovanja na primeru Slovenije in migrantske krize na Zahodni balkanski poti. Namen dela je ugotoviti, ali je bilo večnivojsko upravljanje na primeru kriznega menedžmenta uspešno ter kaj je pripeljalo do njegove uspešnosti oziroma neuspešnosti. Delo temelji na kvalitativni metodologiji študije primera. V prvem delu s deskriptivno metodo opredeli splošno razvitost večnivojskega upravljanja, v drugem delu pa z analizo virov preuči področje skozi primer največje migrantske krize. Na primeru Slovenije kot preučevanega nacionalnega nivoja s komparativno metodo prikaže pomanjkljivosti sodelovanja z nivoji. Na pomanjkljivostih, ki se skozi raziskovanje prikažejo, delo poda predloge za izboljšanje in reševanje podobnih problematik v prihodnosti. Magistrsko delo prikaže, da večnivojsko upravljanje na omenjenem primeru ni bilo uspešno, saj je bila smer sprejemanja odločitev večinoma usmerjena od zgoraj navzdol, kar je otežilo vključevanje podnacionalnega nivoja v odločevalski proces. Slaba praksa obvladovanja migrantske krize je imela posledice na širši ravni, saj je na eni strani določene postopke reševanja krize otežila in podaljšala, na drugi pa nečela dvom o skupnosti in njenih temeljnih vrednotah. Uporabnost dela se kaže tako na praktični kot na znanstveni ravni. Pri praktični ravni se ta kaže kot pomoč vključenim akterjem na različnih nivojih pri reševanju kriz velikega obsega, pri znanstveni ravni pa pri izbiri tematike ter pri izbiri aktualnega primera. Tematika kot taka je v slovenski znanosti še dokaj neomenjena in neraziskana, podobno velja za področje migrantske krize, ki se s svojo veličino ne bo umirila še nekaj časa. ; This master's thesis presents the topic of multilevel governance and cooperation on the example of Slovenia and the migrant crisis on the Western Balkans route. The purpose of the work is to determine whether the multilevel governance of the crisis management was successful and what led to its success or failure. The research is based on qualitative case study methodology. In the first part, the descriptive method defines the general development of multilevel governance, while in the second part, the analysis examines the field on the basis of the biggest migrant crisis since World War II. Comparative method shows deficiencies on the national level in cooperation with other levels on the example of Slovenia. On the shortcomings that appear during the research, the master's thesis presents suggestions for improving and resolving similar problems in the future. The research shows that the multilevel governance in this case was not successful, since the direction of decision-making was mainly directed from the top down and the subnational level was thus poorly involved in decision-making along with the national level. Bad practice has had a negative impact on the entire crisis, resulting on one hand certain procedures being more difficult and lengthier than they should be and on the other, started the doubt of the union as a whole and its basic values. This research is useful on a practical and on a scientific level. On a practical level it is seen as a helpful tool for crisis management to all the actors involved and on the scientific level the usefulness is seen through the choice of topic as well as through the choice of the current case from practice on the basis of which the study was conducted. The subject as such is still fairly unspecified and unexplored on scientific grounds in Slovenia, similarly to the area of the migrant crisis that, due to its extent, will not settle for quite some time.