International audience ; Since the late 80s', emerging economies are striking by a recurrent instability of their financial system. The main lesson is that the domestic institutional infrastructure represents a critical condition necessary for successful liberalization. This critical condition refers to what we agree to call the " domestic governance " approach. The traditional answer provided in order to deal with this instability refers to the so-called " new international financial infrastructure ". This initiative seems insufficient because it does not take into account the degree of adaptability of the prevailing domestic institutions. The purpose of our paper is to propose an analytical framework aimed at studying the relationship between " domestic governance " and " global governance ". The challenge becomes to organize a multi-speed financial liberalization process in which capital controls could play a decisive role.
International audience ; Since the late 80s', emerging economies are striking by a recurrent instability of their financial system. The main lesson is that the domestic institutional infrastructure represents a critical condition necessary for successful liberalization. This critical condition refers to what we agree to call the " domestic governance " approach. The traditional answer provided in order to deal with this instability refers to the so-called " new international financial infrastructure ". This initiative seems insufficient because it does not take into account the degree of adaptability of the prevailing domestic institutions. The purpose of our paper is to propose an analytical framework aimed at studying the relationship between " domestic governance " and " global governance ". The challenge becomes to organize a multi-speed financial liberalization process in which capital controls could play a decisive role.
International audience ; Since the late 80s', emerging economies are striking by a recurrent instability of their financial system. The main lesson is that the domestic institutional infrastructure represents a critical condition necessary for successful liberalization. This critical condition refers to what we agree to call the " domestic governance " approach. The traditional answer provided in order to deal with this instability refers to the so-called " new international financial infrastructure ". This initiative seems insufficient because it does not take into account the degree of adaptability of the prevailing domestic institutions. The purpose of our paper is to propose an analytical framework aimed at studying the relationship between " domestic governance " and " global governance ". The challenge becomes to organize a multi-speed financial liberalization process in which capital controls could play a decisive role.
International audience ; Since the late 80s', emerging economies are striking by a recurrent instability of their financial system. The main lesson is that the domestic institutional infrastructure represents a critical condition necessary for successful liberalization. This critical condition refers to what we agree to call the " domestic governance " approach. The traditional answer provided in order to deal with this instability refers to the so-called " new international financial infrastructure ". This initiative seems insufficient because it does not take into account the degree of adaptability of the prevailing domestic institutions. The purpose of our paper is to propose an analytical framework aimed at studying the relationship between " domestic governance " and " global governance ". The challenge becomes to organize a multi-speed financial liberalization process in which capital controls could play a decisive role.
This article engages critically with the International Governmentality Studies, delineating a new use of Foucault's toolbox applied to analyse the New Economic Governance (NEG) reforms. The main argument is that the NEG is a reaffirmation and a reinforcement of the fiscal governance machine established with the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP). The fiscal governance machine is an ensemble of techniques shaped by and through which the European art of government is able to work in the entire European space. The article analyses how the Treaty on Stability Coordination and Governance reaffirms this fiscal governance machine. By looking at three techniques – the structural deficit, the Fiscal Council, and the Automatic Mechanism – it shows some key features of this fiscal governance machine: a new discretional power in the hand of the European Commission and of its DG Finance, a decentralised and semi-automatic form of control on Member states, the structuration of a euro-national ensemble of executives and finance institutions.
Published online: 06 November 2021 ; Recent decades have seen a proliferation in the number, depth and span of international institutions regulating different domains of global politics. Issues like global health, intellectual property rights, climate change and many others that were once governed by relatively distinct rulesets are today regulated by multiple institutions with intersecting mandates and memberships. As a result, the creation, evolution and effectiveness of international institutions are fundamentally shaped by how they relate to other institutions operating within their policy domains. Yet, global governance complexes—that is, clusters of overlapping institutions and actors that govern specific policy issues—differ widely. The number and types of rulesets and actors involved, the degree of overlap between them and the extent to which overlapping rules conflict vary markedly across governance complexes and over time. The same is true for institutional responses to regulatory conflict. The broad trend towards growing institutional complexity in global governance is thus subject to important variation.
The article focusses on policy ideas as explanatory variables for understanding policymaking and governance in Russia. Following Schmidt's definition of the ideational process as a 'discourse' in which actors promote their preferred policy ideas in competition with their opponents, the article argues that in Russia the character of discourses varies between three state levels: the President, ministerial bureaucracy and the regional & local levels. This variegated landscape of policy discourses involves the intensive communicative discourse of the Russian President, which seeks legitimation of main policy approaches with the public and provides signals for the lower level officials. The middle level of policy bureaucracy is characterised by a vigorous coordinative discourse in which officials and non-state experts defend their ideas and seek agreement on policy details. Finally, at the local level political communication and technical coordination of policy ideas coexist and involve, apart from the officials and experts, members of the public. The benefit of the ideas-based perspective on policy and governance in Russia is that it allows not only tracing the origins and evolution of various policy initiatives, but also seeing the sources of presidential popularity and regime flexibility associated with the accommodation of different ideational positions. The argument is illustrated with examples of policymaking in the social sphere, the Maternity Capital programme and the Moscow programme of housing renovation. ; Non peer reviewed
Good governance is generally believed to improve country's economic performance. This paper studies the relationship between the World Bank's Worldwide Governance Indicators (Voice and Accountability, Political Stability and Absence of Violence, Government Effectiveness, Regulatory Quality, Rule of Law, Control of Corruption) and economic growth in terms of GDP per capita in Kazakhstan. The findings of the research indicate that there is a significant positive relationship between good governance and economic performance of Kazakhstan. Specifically, results show that the Control of Corruption has the strongest impact on GDP per capita.
This article discusses the discourse and practice of co-governance in disaster risk reduction (DRR). It is based on an extensive ethnographic study of DRR at global level and in two disaster-prone countries in Southeast Asia: Indonesia and Myanmar. These country cases were selected not only because of their similarly high vulnerability to disasters, but also because the overlaps and differences between them in disaster governance allowed for a comparative study of the impacts of co-governance in DRR. Indonesia is characterised by a longer history with democratic governance institutions and a largely national-led response to disasters; Myanmar has only started to develop DRR in the last 10 years, and its policies are still largely led by international actors. In both countries, disaster response has shifted from being top-down and state-centred to following a co-governance approach. This reflects a worldwide trend in DRR, the idea being that co-governance, where different state and non-state stakeholders are involved in governance networks, will lead to more inclusive and effective DRR. Our findings suggest that, in Myanmar and Indonesia, DRR has indeed become more inclusive. However, at the same time, we find that DRR in both countries has remained highly hierarchical and state-centred. Although the possible gains of encouraging future initiatives among different actors negotiating disaster response is under-explored, we find that, to date, the multiplication of actors involved in DRR, especially within the state, has led to an increasingly complex, competitive system that negatively affects the ability to conduct DRR.
This article discusses the discourse and practice of co-governance in disaster risk reduction (DRR). It is based on an extensive ethnographic study of DRR at global level and in two disaster-prone countries in Southeast Asia: Indonesia and Myanmar. These country cases were selected not only because of their similarly high vulnerability to disasters, but also because the overlaps and differences between them in disaster governance allowed for a comparative study of the impacts of co-governance in DRR. Indonesia is characterised by a longer history with democratic governance institutions and a largely national-led response to disasters; Myanmar has only started to develop DRR in the last 10 years, and its policies are still largely led by international actors. In both countries, disaster response has shifted from being top-down and state-centred to following a co-governance approach. This reflects a worldwide trend in DRR, the idea being that co-governance, where different state and non-state stakeholders are involved in governance networks, will lead to more inclusive and effective DRR. Our findings suggest that, in Myanmar and Indonesia, DRR has indeed become more inclusive. However, at the same time, we find that DRR in both countries has remained highly hierarchical and state-centred. Although the possible gains of encouraging future initiatives among different actors negotiating disaster response is under-explored, we find that, to date, the multiplication of actors involved in DRR, especially within the state, has led to an increasingly complex, competitive system that negatively affects the ability to conduct DRR.
Environmental law in South Africa has developed in a rapid fashion since the inception of the new constitutional dispensation in 1994. This development is evident from, inter alia, the constitutionalisation of the environmental right in section 24 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Section 24 contains amongst other provisions, directive principles that impose duties on government to protect the environment for present and future generations through reasonable legislative and other measures. It is apparent from section 24 that these measures should ensure environmental governance practices that are aimed at the achievement of sustainable results. The South African environmental governance regime is, however, characterised by fragmentation that may negate the achievement of sustainable environmental governance. It is argued in this article that, for environmental governance to become sustainable, it is necessary to integrate environmental governance efforts, possibly by way of a holistic approach to environmental governance. In light of the above, this article: investigates the nature and extent of fragmentation; explores reasons for fragmentation; discusses disadvantages of fragmented governance efforts in South Africa; investigates the concept of integration and holistic governance as means to achieve sustainable environmental governance results; and makes recommendations regarding the eventual achievement of integrated, holistic and sustainable environmental governance.
The Rio Conventions stand at the centerpiece of international cooperation within the governance area of climate change, biodiversity, and desertification. Due to substantial environmental and political linkages, there are interrelations between the three regimes. This study seeks to examine the inter-institutional relationship between the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification by analyzing and assessing their horizontal interplay activities from the starting point of their genesis at Earth Summit in 1992 until today. In this research, I address the connections between the three conventions and identify the conflicting, cooperative, and synergetic aspects of inter-institutional relationship. While the overall empirical analysis suggests weak indications of a conflictive type, this research asserts that the interplay activities have thus far led to a cooperative relationship between the Rio Conventions. Moreover, increasing coordination and collaboration between the conventions' treaty secretariats signals characteristics of a synergetic relationship, which could open up a potential window of opportunity for these actors to further engage and progress in institutional management in the future. In a conclusion, this study explores the possibility of the formation of an overarching environmental institution as a result of joint institutional management within the complex of climate change, biodiversity, and desertification. ; Die Rio-Konventionen stehen im Mittelpunkt internationaler Kooperation im Bezug auf den Governance-Bereich Klimawandel, Biodiversität und Desertifikation. Aufgrund von substantiellen ökologischen und politischen Verknüpfungen herrschen Wechselwirkungen zwischen den drei Regelungswerken. Die vorliegende Arbeit unternimmt den Versuch, die aus den institutionellen Interaktionen resultierende Relation zwischen der Klimarahmenkonvention der Vereinten Nationen, der Biodiversitätskonvention und dem Übereinkommen der Vereinten Nationen zur Bekämpfung der Wüstenbildung über einen Zeitraum von deren Entstehung 1992 bis heute zu analysieren und zu beurteilen. Diese Forschungsarbeit untersucht die interinstitutionellen Beziehungen zwischen den drei Konventionen und identifiziert dabei konfliktträchtige, kooperative und synergetische Aspekte. Während in einer empirische Analyse insgesamt nur schwache Indikatoren für einen konfliktträchtigen Beziehungstyp gefunden wurden, kann in der Gesamtbetrachtung konstatiert werden, dass die bisherigen interinstitutionellen Interaktionen zu einer kooperativen Beziehung zwischen den Rio-Konventionen geführt haben. Darüberhinaus weisen die zunehmende Koordinierung und Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Sekretariaten der Konventionen Charakteristika einer synergetischen Beziehung auf. Das intensive Zusammenwirken dieser Akteure könnte sich in der Zukunft als Gelegenheit herausstellen, institutionelles Management aktiver zu gestalten und voranzubringen. In einem Fazit spielt die Arbeit das Szenario der Entstehung einer allumfassenden Umweltorganisation durch, die sich als Folgewirkung aus der gemeinsamen Steuerung des institutionellen Komplexes Klimawandel, Biodiversität und Desertifikation entwickeln könnte.
Mandating interactive governance arenas presents itself as an appealing strategy for determined public policy-makers at the frontier of New Public Governance. Yet, it also confronts researchers and practitioners with a new set of policy execution problems that prompts re-examination of one of the oldest research questions in public administration research: how and why the high hopes of central policy-makers are (not) translated into practice. By combining insights from the public policy implementation literature, network governance literature and theories of institutional design, the article suggests an analytical framework for studying top-down implementation of interactive governance arenas. The framework enables researchers and practitioners to identify a number of critical junctions in the implementation process with important implications for the final design of the interactive arenas. To demonstrate the usefulness of the framework, a longitudinal case-analysis of the implementation of ten Local Crime Prevention Councils in one of twelve Danish police districts is conducted. Finally, the article advances a set of propositions on the specific dynamics of top-down implementation of mandated governance arenas and contemplates three types of managerial strategies for successfully setting up New Public Governance structures.
The paper assesses the state of governance in the Philippines by comparing it with other countries utilising nine indicators relating to political, economic and social governance. The main finding is that the Philippines receives high scores for economic governance and relatively low scores for political and social governance. The study also correlates these indices with GDP per capita and economic growth, so as to comment on the presumption that good political, economic and social governance is associated with these two variables. All the nine governance scores are positively associated with GDP per capita, but not with economic growth. The paper summarises the main findings derived from the indicators, on the basis of which it proposes a number of implications relating to the Philippine economy. ; peer-reviewed
Public higher education in South Africa is governed by the Higher Education Act (Act No. 101 of 1997). Governance of public higher education in South Africa is just one element of governance practised across the entire domain of government to ensure accountability to the citizens of the country. This paper refers to four different, but related, levels of governance that span the landscape of public higher education: firstly, within the global context, secondly, in the context of the country with all of its government ministries; thirdly, the system of education in the context of legislative governance within the public higher education sector in South Africa; and finally, the institutional governance arrangements required in terms of legislation or regulation, which will be reviewed with particular attention being given to IT governance. Further, the notion of managerialism will be discussed to provide some structure to the context in which governance is practised. IT governance, as a subset of institutional governance, within and across the public higher education system is subsequently addressed. Finally, the current absence of IT governance oversight or reporting to the public higher education authority and mechanisms to improve governance in the sector are discussed, which provide an indication of the value that can be created by the implementation of a best practice IT governance framework at institutional level. Accordingly, an IT governance framework can be used to measure the maturity of a wide range of IT processes that The layered approach to governance investigated in this paper provides insight into the factors that influence the ability to govern subsystems, particularly the IT subsystem, in the public higher education sector in South Africa.
