Governance
In: Revista española de ciencia política, Heft 12, S. 189-192
ISSN: 1575-6548
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In: Revista española de ciencia política, Heft 12, S. 189-192
ISSN: 1575-6548
In: Vivre et penser la coopération transfrontalière, Vol. 2
In: Studien zur Geschichte der europäischen Integration, Nr. 12
World Affairs Online
In: L' Europe en formation: revue d'études sur la construction européenne et le fédéralisme = journal of studies on European integration and federalism, Band 353 - 354, Heft 3, S. 197-205
ISSN: 2410-9231
In: Política y gobierno, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 365-368
ISSN: 1665-2037
In: Politique étrangère: revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Band Hors série, Heft 5, S. 153-162
ISSN: 1958-8992
In: Revista española de ciencia política, Heft 6, S. 225-226
ISSN: 1575-6548
Today, although governance is important for every country, it is of great importance in solving economic and social problems especially in developing countries. Many studies in the literature reveal that the understanding of governance affects the economic performance of countries positively. In this context, it is possible to evaluate countries comparatively by considering the effects of their governance quality on national economies. In this study, it is aimed to emphasize that the countries that are in a good position in terms of governance indicators are generally more successful in sustainable economic growth and development, and it has been tried to show that institutional differences are effective on the development gap between countries. In this study, the role of governance on economic growth and development was discussed and comparisons were made between Turkey and G7 countries based on the governance indicators in The Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) of the World Bank and economic performance data obtained from the World Bank. Governance indicators and macroeconomic data obtained from the World Bank are tabulated and the current situation of Turkey and G7 countries is interpreted. Significant differences were observed in the comparisons made. G7 countries have high scoring governance indicators that can produce positive economic results. On the other hand, Turkey's economic and governance indicators lag behind the averages of developed countries. ; Günümüzde yönetişim herülke için önemli olmakla birlikte özellikle gelişmekte olan ülkelerde yaşanan ekonomik ve sosyal sorunların çözümünde büyük önem arz etmektedir. Literatürde birçok çalışma yönetişim anlayışının ülkelerin ekonomik performansını olumlu yönde etkilediğini ortaya koymaktadır. Bu bağlamda ülkeleri yönetişim kalitelerinin ülke ekonomileri üzerinde yarattığı etkileri ile ele alarak karşılaştırmalı olarak değerlendirmek mümkün olabilmektedir. Bu çalışmada yönetişim göstergeleri açısından iyi konumda olan ülkelerin, sürdürülebilir bir ekonomik büyüme ve gelişme konusunda genellikle daha başarılı olduğu vurgulanmak istenmiştir ve ülkeler arası gelişmişlik farkı üzerinde kurumsal farklılıkların etkili olduğu gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. Çalışmada yönetişimin ekonomik büyüme ve gelişme üzerindeki rolü ele alınmış olup Türkiye ile G7 ülkeleri arasında Dünya Bankası'nın The Worldwide Governance Indicators'da (WGI) yer alan yönetişim göstergelerine ve Dünya Bankası'ndan elde edilmiş ekonomik performans verilerine dayanarak karşılaştırmalar yapılmıştır. Dünya Bankasından elde edilen yönetişim göstergeleri ve makroekonomik veriler tablolaştırılarak Türkiye ve G7 ülkelerinin mevcut durumu yorumlanmıştır. Yapılan karşılaştırmalarda önemli farklılıklar olduğu gözlemlenmiştir. G7 ülkeleri olumlu ekonomik sonuçlar doğurabilen yüksek puanlı yönetişim göstergelerine sahiptirler. Türkiye'nin ise hem ekonomik hem de yönetişim göstergeleri gelişmiş ülkelerin ortalamalarının gerisinde kalmaktadır.
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Public services can develop two contrasting practices of accountability: the conventional model emphasises that to be accountable is to be 'held to account', to be expected to answer questions about performance and that the answers are then evaluated by superiors measured against some standard or expectation following which praise or blame is meted out and sanctions applied. This mode of accountability is expresses hierarchy of authority. A very different process encourages dialogues of accountability between practitioners and publics, who 'give an account' offering a story that interprets and explains what has happened and why it has taken place. This paper observes these contrasting practices in the development of school governance in England and argues for the importance of dialogue to enhance learning and democratic responsiveness. ; Public services can develop two contrasting practices of accountability: the conventional model emphasises that to be accountable is to be 'held to account', to be expected to answer questions about performance and that the answers are then evaluated by superiors measured against some standard or expectation following which praise or blame is meted out and sanctions applied. This mode of accountability is expresses hierarchy of authority. A very different process encourages dialogues of accountability between practitioners and publics, who 'give an account' offering a story that interprets and explains what has happened and why it has taken place. This paper observes these contrasting practices in the development of school governance in England and argues for the importance of dialogue to enhance learning and democratic responsiveness.
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In: Logon didonai. Saggi 13
El artículo analiza las dificultades de la gobernabilidad y su carácter esquivo. Se trata de un estudio sobre cómo mejorar la gobernabilidad, partiendo de la base de que en muchas ocasiones lo que existe en la práctica, son condiciones de ingobernabilidad. El razonamiento central parte de que la ingobernabilidad puede en ocasiones imperar, sin que ello implique necesariamente una fractura en la democracia en su conjunto. Se continúa con un examen de la cohesión y la perdurabilidad de las sociedades, como ejes de la gobernabilidad. Luego se prosigue con consideraciones acerca de las redes de gobernabilidad a nivel local y regional, y con el tratamiento de la crisis de información en las sociedades fragmentadas, así como con las condiciones de inestabilidad crónica y los gobiernos locales. Se finaliza con algunas consideraciones sobre el vínculo existente entre lo local y lo global, y el posible rol de ese proceso en el manejo de crisis y la educación para la paz. ; The article analyzes the difficulties of governance and the elusive nature of governability. lts main purpose is to make suggestions as to how to increase governability. Central to the argument is the suggestion that, despite the occasional reign of ingovernability, this does not imply the fracture of democracy altogether. Cohesion and perdurability are the keys to governability. The article analyzes local and regional governability networks and the management of the information crisis in fragmented societies, as well as the conditions of chronic instability and local co-governments. The article ends with several considerations on the local-to-global links, and the potential role of this process in the management of crisis and education for peace.
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Governance is presented by undefined and confused areas that tend to expand in a more or less arbitrary way in the absence of stable and reliable normative standards. All this calls into question concepts and recompositive monolithic categories of modern political-legal rationality and in the first place sovereignty. At the same time the current neo-governmental structure does not stand as a technology of power, exclusionary or alternative to other rationalities, but rather it tends to bring out all the contradictions and ambiguities of the present time. ; La gobernanza es presentada por áreas confusas e indefinidas que tienden a expandirse de una manera más o menos arbitraria en ausencia de estándares normativos estables y confiables. Todo esto pone en cuestión conceptos y categorías monolíticas recompositivas de moderna racionalidad política-legal y en primer lugar de la soberanía. Al mismo tiempo, la estructura neogubernamental actual no se sostiene como una tecnología de poder excluyente o alternativa a otras racionalidades, sino que tiende a llevar a cabo todas las contradicciones y ambigüedades del tiempo presente.
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In: Politique étrangère: revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Band Hors série, Heft 5, S. 141-151
ISSN: 1958-8992