Suchergebnisse

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie współczesnych dylematów w kwestii zarządzania Internetem jako nowym dobrem wspólnym ludzkości i przykładem tzw. nowych dóbr wspólnych. W ślad za Lawrence'em Lessigiem omówione zostały trzy warstwy Internetu: fizyczna, logiczna i treści. W tym kontekście przedstawiono dokonania Grupy Roboczej ds. Zarządzania Internetem (WGIG) powołanej przez Sekretarza Generalnego ONZ oraz rolę Forum Zarządzania Internetem (IGF). Zaprezentowano rozbieżne preferencje państw w wyborze suwerennego, wielostronnego lub międzyrządowego modelu zarządzania Internetem. W szczególności ukazano przeciwstawne działania USA i Unii Europejskiej oraz Chin i Rosji oraz podkreślanie przez te dwa ostatnie państwa zagadnienia cyberbezpieczeństwa i cybersuwerenności, co prowadzi do ograniczenia wolności słowa w Internecie i treściowej fragmentacji sieci. Autor proponuje wydzielenie kwestii możliwych do regulacji w drodze porozumień międzyrządowych. Zarazem dochodzi do wniosku, iż mechanizmy wielostronnego zarządzania siecią mogą uzyskać legitymację, jeżeli będą bardziej rzetelne i reprezentatywne niż system międzyrządowy. ; The purpose of this article is to present contemporary dilemmas in the management of the Internet as a new common good of mankind and an example of so called "new commons". In the wake of the Lawrence Lessig's writings discussed are the three layers of the Internet: physical, logical and content. In this context, presented are the achievements of the Working Group on Internet Governance (WGIG) initiated by the UN Secretary General and the role of the Internet Governance Forum (IGF). Presented are divergent preferences of states in choosing a sovereign, multi-stakeholder or multilateral model of Internet governance. In particular, the article demonstrates conflicting actions of the US, European Union and China, Russia and issues of cybersecurity and cyber sovereignty highlighted by the latter two countries, which lead to restrictions on freedom of speech in the Internet and fragmentation of the network in its content layer. The author proposes to separate issues for feasible regulation by multilateral agreements. At the same time he concludes that the mechanisms of multilateral network management can gain legitimacy if they are more reliable and representative than the intergovernmental system.

In contemporary world, with the change of economic, social, political and cultural conditions, the expectations to the support or creation of welfare states are also changing. For the preservation or reinforcement of welfare states, elimination of the arising contradictions is necessary as well as positive, effective answers to the challenges raised to welfare states both in theoretic, ideological-value and practical sense. The aim of this article is to reveal and group the essential contradictions and challenges to welfare states and their public governance. This article is of a phenomenological, analytical-overview type. In chapter 1, the authors provide the notions of contradiction, challenge, welfare state, governance and public governance; chapter 2 analyses contradictions and challenges to public governance of welfare states in international, state and local levels; in chapter 3, the authors analyse the challenges to welfare states in the context of the changes of the 21st century.

In contemporary world, with the change of economic, social, political and cultural conditions, the expectations to the support or creation of welfare states are also changing. For the preservation or reinforcement of welfare states, elimination of the arising contradictions is necessary as well as positive, effective answers to the challenges raised to welfare states both in theoretic, ideological-value and practical sense. The aim of this article is to reveal and group the essential contradictions and challenges to welfare states and their public governance. This article is of a phenomenological, analytical-overview type. In chapter 1, the authors provide the notions of contradiction, challenge, welfare state, governance and public governance; chapter 2 analyses contradictions and challenges to public governance of welfare states in international, state and local levels; in chapter 3, the authors analyse the challenges to welfare states in the context of the changes of the 21st century.

Kamu Yönetimi disiplinine 1990'lı yıllarla birlikte girmeye başlayan 'yönetişim' kavramı, devlet, piyasa ve sivil toplum aktörlerinin ortak müzakereci anlayışla, birlikte yönetme prensibine dayanmaktadır. Söz konusu kavram kamu politikası alanlarının çoğu için kullanılmış, şeffaf, hesap verilebilir, gönüllülük esasına dayalı bir yönetme anlayışı küreselleşen dünyada hükümetler ve devletler için önemli duruma gelmiştir. Doğal afetler gibi siyasa üretme ve uygulamanın zor olduğu bir konuda da bu kavramın tartışılması gerekli hale gelmiştir. Özellikle Türkiye gibi doğal afetlerden maddi ve manevi birçok zarar gören bir ülkede, doğal afet yönetimi politikalarının başarısızlıkla sonuçlanması, doğal afetlerde klasik yönetim anlayışının sorgulanmasına neden olmuştur. Çalışmanın ana amacı, Türkiye'nin doğal afet yönetimi politikalarını tarihsel bağlamda analiz ederek, doğal afet yönetişimi uygulamalarının neden gelişmediğini aktörler düzeyinde değerlendirmektir. Çalışma üç bölümden oluşmaktadır. Birinci bölümde afet ve doğal afet tanımları ve türleri, afet yönetim döngüsü, doğal afet yönetişimi ve yönetişim kavramlarının kuramsal tartışmaları bulunmaktadır. Çalışmanın ikinci bölümünde Türkiye'nin doğal afet yönetimi politikalarının tarihsel bağlamda kurumlar ve hukuksal düzenlemeler sınıflandırmalarıyla değerlendirilmesi yapılmıştır. Çalışmanın üçüncü bölümüyse Türkiye'de doğal afet yönetişiminin neden gelişmediğini aşkın/güçlü devlet ve merkeziyetçi afet yönetimi, zayıf sivil toplum, kamu – özel sektör işbirliğinin zayıflığı, yerel yönetişimin gelişmemesi, risk yönetiminin ve sakınım planlamasının devlet ve sivil toplum bağlamında eksikliği başlıkları altında aktörler bağlamında tartışmaktadır. Çalışma sonuç ve değerlendirme bölümüyle son bulmaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Doğal Afet Yönetişimi, Yönetişim, Afet Yönetim Döngüsü, Sakınım ve Risk Yönetimi, Merkeziyetçi Kamu Yönetimi, Aşkın Devlet, Zayıf Sivil Toplum, Yerel Yönetişim ; The term governance which was applied to Public Administration discipline through the 1990s rely on the principle of management with cooperation of state, civil society and market actors with joint negotiation. Mentioned term has been used in several public policy areas and administration with transparent, accountable, volunteerism ways became an important case for nation states and governments in a globalized world. The discussion of the term 'governance' has become necessary for the case of natural disasters which is one of the most difficult policy areas in policy making and implementation. Especially for the country such as Turkey which had lots of damages in material and spiritual manner by natural disaster, the failure of natural disaster policies caused the questioning of classical administration principle on natural disaster management. The main principle of this study is to analyze of Turkey's natural disaster management policies in historical manner and to evaluate why natural disaster governance implementations did not advance through the actors' level. This study is composed of with three parts. First part consists of definitions and types of disasters, disaster management cycle, theoretical discussions of natural disaster governance and governance terms. The second part gives attention to the evaluation of Turkey's disaster management policy implementations with historical manner through the institutional and legal arrangements. Last part of the study discusses why natural disaster governance has not advanced in Turkey through the titles of transcendental state and centralist disaster management principle, weak civil society, weakness of state-market relations, immaturity of local governance, absence of risk management and mitigation plans of state and civil society with actors' orientation. This study ends with the part of outcomes and general evaluations. Key Words: Natural Disaster Governance, Governance, Disaster Management Cycle, Mitigation and Risk Management, Centralized Administration, Transcendental State, Weak Civil Society, Local Governance

Bu makalenin amacı iyi yönetim modelinin unsurlarını ve uluslararası mevzuatını anlatmak ve Türkiye'deki uygulamalarını değerlendirmektir. Öncelikle iyi yönetim modelinin gelişimi ve anlamı hakkında bilgiler verildikten sonra iyi yönetimin ilke ve kurallarını içeren uluslararası mevzuata değinilmektedir. Son olarak Avrupa Konseyi İyi Yönetim Yasasının başlıca ilke ve kurallarının Türkiye'de nasıl anlaşıldığı ve uygulandığı açıklanmaktadır. İyi yönetim demokrasi, insan hakları ve hukukun üstünlüğü ilkesiyle bağlantılıdır. İyi yönetim hakkında özellikle Avrupa Birliği ve Avrupa Konseyi çeşitli kararlar almıştır. Avrupa Konseyi İyi Yönetim Yasasının ilke ve kurallarının birçoğu Türk hukuk sisteminde yer almakla birlikte uygulama da bazı sorunlar vardır. Türk kamu yönetiminin etkili kamu hizmeti sunma bilincini arttırmaya ihtiyacı olduğu değerlendirilmektedir.

The author has made an attempt to theoretically – by referring to empirical evidence – formulate the necessary conditions that allow participatory processes to happen. In this perspective, participation is not only an ethical requirement but primarily a mechanism that supports taking up the challenges posed by the increasing complexity of the social world. The examples presented in the article show that participation has a very strong 'competitor': clientelism. In the spaces where the latter forms the base of the relations between the government and society, it is difficult to find a well-rooted and sustainable presence of participatory processes. The author thus presents a hypothesis that the logic of clientelism, together with the lack of the ability to recognise the importance of resource interdependence, has the ability to weaken participation, or in other words, wash it out in a specific way. Clientelism strives to maximise the control over resources. This can, in some cases, support the realisation of development goals or be effective in particular governmental arrangements (e.g. the transformation in Poland in the 90 s of the 20th century), however, it also deepens the passivity and in the long run can lead to a decrease in the value of some resources or even their loss. In this context, participation is thus understood mainly as an expression of caring for the owned and acquired resources and as the recognition of their interdependence. ; Autor podjął próbę sformułowania – na poziomie teoretycznym, odwołując się do przykładów empirycznych – wybranych warunków, umożliwiających zaistnienie procesów partycypacyjnych. Partycypacja w tym ujęciu nie jest tylko postulatem etycznym, ale przede wszystkim mechanizmem sprzyjającym podejmowaniu wyzwań, wiążących się z rosnącą złożonością społecznego świata. Przywołane w artykule przykłady pokazują, że partycypacja ma bardzo silnego "konkurenta" w postaci klientelizmu. Tam, gdzie relacje między władzą a społeczeństwem są na nim oparte, trudno o zakorzenienie się i trwałą obecność mechanizmów partycypacyjnych. Autor stawia hipotezę mówiącą o tym, że w przestrzeni lokalnej partycypację osłabia – czy wypłukuje ją w specyficzny sposób – logika klientelizmu w powiązaniu z niedostrzeganiem znaczenia współzależności zasobów. Klientelizm bowiem oznacza dążenie do maksymalizacji kontroli nad zasobami. Może to sprzyjać realizacji celów rozwojowych, być skuteczne w określonych warunkach systemowych (np. transformacja w Polsce w latach 90. XXw.), jednak pogłębia również pasywność, a w dłuższym okresie oznaczać może zmniejszanie się wartości określonych zasobów czy wręcz ich utratę. Partycypacja w tym kontekście rozumiana jest przede wszystkim jako wyraz dbałości o posiadane i pozyskiwane zasoby oraz dostrzeganie ich współzależności.

DOI:10.17336/igusbd.14844 ; Kamu yönetiminde 1980 sonrasında paradigma düzeyinde büyük değişim ve dönüşümler gerçekleşmiş ve bunlar asıl olarak postmodern kamu yönetiminin felsefi, sosyolojik ve siyasal zemini üzerine kurulmuştur. Postmodern kamu yönetimi anlayışı ile yeni kamu yönetimi, yönetişim gibi önemli yönetsel teori ve kavramlar ortaya çıkmış, bu süreçte yerel yönetimlerin önemi ve etkisi artmıştır. Ayrıca yerel yönetişim anlayışı ile yerel yönetimlerin yanı sıra sivil toplum kuruluşlarının ve özel sektörün siyasal karar alma sürecindeki gücü öne çıkmıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, postmodern kamu yönetimi çerçevesinde yerel yönetişim ve yerel yönetimler arasında katılımcılık ve demokrasi odaklı bir ilişki kurulmasını ve yerelde bunu güçlendiren olanakların ve modellerin analiz edilmesini kapsamaktadır. ; Big changes and transformations have taken place in public administration in paradigm level after the year 1980 and they have essentially been established on philosophical, sociological and political base of postmodern public administration. New managerial theories and concepts such as new public management and governance emerged with postmodern understanding of public administration, The importance and impact of local governments increased in this process. Furthermore, with local government understanding; as well as power of local governments, power of non-governmental organizations and private sector in political decision-making stood out. The purpose of this study is to analyze the establishment of a relationship among local governments and local governance focused on participation and democracy within the scope of postmodern public administration and the opportunities and models locally strengthening this case.

Kamu yönetiminde 1980 sonrasında paradigma düzeyinde büyük değişim ve dönüşümler gerçekleşmiş ve bunlar asıl olarak postmodern kamu yönetiminin felsefi, sosyolojik ve siyasal zemini üzerine kurulmuştur. Postmodern kamu yönetimi anlayışı ile yeni kamu yönetimi, yönetişim gibi önemli yönetsel teori ve kavramlar ortaya çıkmış, bu süreçte yerel yönetimlerin önemi ve etkisi artmıştır. Ayrıca yerel yönetişim anlayışı ile yerel yönetimlerin yanı sıra sivil toplum kuruluşlarının ve özel sektörün siyasal karar alma sürecindeki gücü öne çıkmıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, postmodern kamu yönetimi çerçevesinde yerel yönetişim ve yerel yönetimler arasında katılımcılık ve demokrasi odaklı bir ilişki kurulmasını ve yerelde bunu güçlendiren olanakların ve modellerin analiz edilmesini kapsamaktadır ; Big changes and transformations have taken place in public administration in paradigm level after the year 1980 and they have essentially been established on philosophical, sociological and political base of postmodern public administration. New managerial theories and concepts such as new public management and governance emerged with postmodern understanding of public administration, The importance and impact of local governments increased in this process. Furthermore, with local government understanding; as well as power of local governments, power of non-governmental organizations and private sector in political decision-making stood out. The purpose of this study is to analyze the establishment of a relationship among local governments and local governance focused on participation and democracy within the scope of postmodern public administration and the opportunities and models locally strengthening this case

1980'lerden itibaren, yerel yönetimler çok önemli bir değişim sürecinden geçmekte ve bu değişim süreci, literatürde bir üst başlık olarak "yerel yönetişim" biçiminde kavramlaştırılmaktadır. Yerel yönetimden yerel yönetişime geçiş, yerel yönetimlere bakış açısı itibariyle bir zihniyet değişimine işaret etmektedir. Fordizmden postFordizme geçiş sürecinin ve ortaya çıkardığı politik ve yönetsel sonuçların analizinin, günümüzde yerel yönetimler açısından yaşanan bu çok boyutlu değişimi daha iyi anlamak için bir fırsat sunduğu, bu çalışmanın arka planında yer alan temel düşüncedir. Bu çerçevede, çalışmanın amacı, Fordizmden post-Fordizme geçiş bağlamında, yerel yönetimlerin örgütsel yapısı, işlevleri, iş görme usulleri ve hareket alanı açısından yaşanan değişimi analiz etmektir. ; The local governments have going through a crucial process of transformation since 1980s and this process is being conceptualized as "local governance" as an umbrella term in the literature. The transition from local government to local governance refers a change in mentality related to local governments. The fact that the analysis of transition process from Fordism to post-Fordizm and the emerging political and administrative outcomes offers an opportunity in order to better comprehend this multidimensional change regarding local government is the fundamental idea in the background of this article. In this framework, the aim of this article, within the context of transition from Fordism to post-Fordizm, is to analyze the actual changes occurring in terms of the organizational structure, functions, procedures and field of action of the local governments.

The author – using empirical data – claims that a meritocratic approach to public governance in Poland does not seem deeply rooted. The research indicates that since mid-November 2015 until the beginning of November 2017 meritocratic rules have been totally ignored in governmental institutions including state-owned companies.Many legal regulations were enacted inorder tointroduce changes inmanaging bodies responsible for key public institutions as well as companies. The drive toimprove their effectiveness were notof prime importance. The key criterion for promoting was based on the decision-maker's personal trust. There are many implications of the above-mentioned development, including aloss of trust tothe state resulting inamoral degeneration from the perspective of political class as well society as awhole. ; Autorka na podstawie danych empirycznych uzasadnia tezę, że merytokratyczne podejście do metod rządzenia w państwie jest w Polsce słabo zakorzenione. Wskazuje, że w instytucjach zależnych od rządu oraz spółkach skarbu państwa w okresie od połowy listopada 2015 r. do początku listopada 2017 r. doszło do całkowitego zarzucenia tych metod. Większość niezwykle licznie uchwalanych ustaw skupiała się na szybkości i szerokiej wymianie ciał zarządzających kluczowymi instytucjami i spółkami. Na dalszym planie pozostawała zwykle poprawa efektywności działania tych podmiotów. W wielu przypadkach głównym kryterium awansu było zaufanie decydenta. Najważniejszym skutkiem społecznym prowadzenia nieprzejrzystej, nieopartej na merytorycznych zasadach polityki personalnej jest podważanie zaufania do państwa, co jest degradujące zarówno dla klasy politycznej, jak i dla ogółu obywateli.

The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova's adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President's endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state's appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova's shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991. ; The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova's adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President's endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state's appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova's shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.

The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova's adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President's endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state's appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova's shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.

Bu tez, bir yönetişim örneği olarak kabul edilen Kalkınma Ajanslarını ve bu ajansların Türkiye'deki uygulamalarını içermektedir. Günümüz dünyasının şekillendirici temel unsuru olan küreselleşmeyle birlikte ulus-devlet bir dönüşüm sürecine girmiştir. Bu süreçte ulus-devlet yerelleşme gereği olarak merkezi yönetim yetkilerinin bir kısmını yerel ve bölgesel yönetimlere devretmektedir. Bu yönetimlerden biri de; kamu sektörü, özel sektör ve sivil toplum kuruluşları arasında işbirliği sağlayarak bölgesel dengesizliklere ortak çözüm geliştirip, bölgesel kalkınmayı gerçekleştirmeye çalışan Kalkınma Ajanslarıdır.Bu bağlamda tezde öncelikli olarak küreselleşme ve yerelleşme çerçevesinde Türkiye'de bölge-bölgecilik-bölgeselleşme konuları incelenmiştir. . Daha sonra Türkiye'de Bölgesel kalkınma politikalarının tarihsel süreci ele alınmış, ülkemizde de son zamanlarda bölgesel kalınmada etkin rol oynayan Bölgesel Kalkınma Ajansları incelenip Ankara Kalkınma Ajansı ve Güney Ege Kalkınma Ajansı (GEKA) örnekleri ele alınmıştır. Dolayısıyla bu çalışma, kalkınmada etkin rol oynayabilecek bir yönetişim modeli olan Kalkınma Ajanslarının daha iyi anlaşılmasına katkı sağlama amacı taşımaktadır. This thesis a governance model the regional development agencies and these agencies include applications in Turkey. In today's world of globalization, the nation-state as a basic element forming in the process of transformation. As part of this process, decentralization of the nation-state is a part of the local and regional governments, central government transfers the powers. This is one of the authorities and the public sector, the private sector and enabling co-operation between non-governmental organizations to develop joint solutions to regional imbalances in regional development, regional development agencies working to realize.In this context, within the framework of decentralization by examining the phenomenon of globalization as a priority region-regionalism-regionalization definition has been adopted in Turkey. The historical process of regional development policies are discussed later in Turkey, playing an active role in our country without yielding of the Regional Development Agencies recently examined as an application Ankara Development Agency and the South Aegean Development Agency (GEKA) samples. Therefore, this study may play an active role in development of a governance model that is intended to contribute to a better understanding of the Regional Development Agencies.

Bu tez, bir yönetişim örneği olarak kabul edilen Kalkınma Ajanslarını ve bu ajansların Türkiye'deki uygulamalarını içermektedir. Günümüz dünyasının şekillendirici temel unsuru olan küreselleşmeyle birlikte ulus-devlet bir dönüşüm sürecine girmiştir. Bu süreçte ulus-devlet yerelleşme gereği olarak merkezi yönetim yetkilerinin bir kısmını yerel ve bölgesel yönetimlere devretmektedir. Bu yönetimlerden biri de; kamu sektörü, özel sektör ve sivil toplum kuruluşları arasında işbirliği sağlayarak bölgesel dengesizliklere ortak çözüm geliştirip, bölgesel kalkınmayı gerçekleştirmeye çalışan Kalkınma Ajanslarıdır.Bu bağlamda tezde öncelikli olarak küreselleşme ve yerelleşme çerçevesinde Türkiye'de bölge-bölgecilik-bölgeselleşme konuları incelenmiştir. . Daha sonra Türkiye'de Bölgesel kalkınma politikalarının tarihsel süreci ele alınmış, ülkemizde de son zamanlarda bölgesel kalınmada etkin rol oynayan Bölgesel Kalkınma Ajansları incelenip Ankara Kalkınma Ajansı ve Güney Ege Kalkınma Ajansı (GEKA) örnekleri ele alınmıştır. Dolayısıyla bu çalışma, kalkınmada etkin rol oynayabilecek bir yönetişim modeli olan Kalkınma Ajanslarının daha iyi anlaşılmasına katkı sağlama amacı taşımaktadır. ; This thesis a governance model the regional development agencies and these agencies include applications in Turkey. In today's world of globalization, the nation-state as a basic element forming in the process of transformation. As part of this process, decentralization of the nation-state is a part of the local and regional governments, central government transfers the powers. This is one of the authorities and the public sector, the private sector and enabling co-operation between non-governmental organizations to develop joint solutions to regional imbalances in regional development, regional development agencies working to realize.In this context, within the framework of decentralization by examining the phenomenon of globalization as a priority region-regionalism-regionalization definition has been adopted in Turkey. The historical process of regional development policies are discussed later in Turkey, playing an active role in our country without yielding of the Regional Development Agencies recently examined as an application Ankara Development Agency and the South Aegean Development Agency (GEKA) samples. Therefore, this study may play an active role in development of a governance model that is intended to contribute to a better understanding of the Regional Development Agencies.