Governance and the Depoliticisation of Development
In: Mezinárodní vztahy: Czech journal of international relations, Band 44, Heft 4, S. 128
ISSN: 0543-7989, 0323-1844
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In: Mezinárodní vztahy: Czech journal of international relations, Band 44, Heft 4, S. 128
ISSN: 0543-7989, 0323-1844
Includes bibliographical references. ; Presented at the Building resilience of Mongolian rangelands: a trans-disciplinary research conference held on June 9-10, 2015 in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. ; Mongolia's socio-ecological rangeland systems face a number of critical, contemporary challenges. Climatic change, persistent poverty and growing land use conflicts, especially around mining, pose complex problems both for herders and policy-makers. Furthermore, there is renewed emphasis on meeting Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and Aichi targets, following the publication of Mongolia's 5th National CBD report in March 2014, and the development of a new National Biodiversity Strategic Action Plan. (E)valuation of the contributions of rangeland ecosystem services (ES) to biodiversity and livelihoods/wellbeing are highlighted as priorities for future planning therein. ES thinking, valuation and commodification are becoming increasingly influential in other contemporary policy initiatives, not least through the development of the national REDD+ roadmap, Business and Biodiversity offset programmes and Government commitments to the 'Green Economy'. Nonetheless critical questions remain about the ES paradigm itself, values/ valuation of ES and how these may be enacted and supported through policy. Here we report on a three year Darwin-Initiative funded project, which aimed to 'generate policy and practice relevant knowledge of values of ecosystem services (ES) in Mongolia, and test the efficacy of Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) schemes, in order to enhance biodiversity and livelihoods'. Aims were realised through i) participatory mapping and analysis of ES, including cultural ES, with 300 herder households across four case study sites, and the development of innovative methods for non-economic valuation; ii) co-development and implementation of a novel rangeland payment for ES (PES) scheme at the four sites, through the Plan Vivo standard; iii) analysis of the impacts ES and of the PES scheme on biodiversity and livelihoods. Methods used included deliberative valuation approaches, mapping, ranking and choice modelling to examine group and individual values and trade-offs between ES across ecologically contrasting areas. We also applied the SOLVES (Social Values of ES) GIS model to highlight spatial, place-specific dimensions of ES values, as part of a series of wider biodiversity, livelihoods and ES assessments. Results highlight spatial and temporal diversities in ES values, importance of cultural ES for wellbeing, and the potential of carefully designed PES schemes to contribute to more resilient socio-ecological rangeland systems in the future.
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In: Politologický časopis, Band 20, Heft 2, S. 199-203
ISSN: 1211-3247
In: Mezinárodní vztahy: Czech journal of international relations, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 95-99
ISSN: 0543-7989, 0323-1844
La crisi financera i econòmica mundial que viu el món globalitzat des de l'estiu de 2007 planteja la qüestió de si estem davant de la fi d'un cicle o de la fi d'un model, i posa en evidència la necessitat d'un profund debat d'idees. A banda de les causes immediates de la crisi, s'observen causes profundes que són, principalment, resultat d'un període de globalització econòmica neoliberal. Si l'efecte de la crisi als països del Nord és evident i palpable, el seu impacte als països menys desenvolupats és devastador, la revisió del Consens de Monterrey, encaminada a concretar el finançament per a l'assoliment dels Objectius de Desenvolupament del Mil·lenni, va quedar frustrada pel naixement del G20. L'abordatge polític de la crisi posa en qüestió els lideratges mundials. Si bé el G20 va voler monopolitzar el debat, finalment les Nacions Unides, de la mà del president de l'Assemblea General, el pare d'Escoto, va poder convocar la Conferència sobre la Crisi Financera i Econòmica i els seus Efectes Sobre el Desenvolupament (juny de 2009). Malgrat que els seus resultats són molt menors, i no s'hi van acordar moltes de les recomanacions del mateix president i de la Comissió Stiglitz, les conclusions de tot plegat apunten a una imprescindible reforma del sistema i de la governança de l'economia financera mundial. El "G192", es va posar, doncs, sobre la taula un model de governança democràtica mundial per abordar un crisi global d'impacte sobre la ciutadania mundial. The financial and economic crisis that has been rocking the globalised world since the summer of 2007 raises the question of whether we are looking at the end of a cycle or the end of a model and highlights the need for a thorough debate of ideas. In addition to the immediate causes of the crisis (such as the bursting of the housing bubble and the toxicity of the financial markets), several deep-rooted causes can be found, most resulting from a period of neo-liberal economic globalisation. Whilst the crisis has had a clear and tangible impact on the countries of the North, it has been calamitous for less developed countries. The damage is compounded by the fact that the review of the Monterrey Consensus, intended to find the necessary financing to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, was thwarted by the emergence of the G20. The political hijacking of the crisis casts doubt on global leadership. Although the G20 monopolised the debate, in the end, the United Nations (UN), under the leadership of the president of the General Assembly, Father Miguel d'Escoto, managed to convene the Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on Development (June 2009). Despite the conference's modest results and the fact that no agreement was reached on many of the recommendations made by the president or the 'Stiglitz Commission', the conclusions as a whole point towards a crucial need to reform the system and governance bodies of the global financial economy. To this end, within the context of the UN, or 'G192', a model of global democratic governance was tabled to address a global crisis with an impact on global citizens ; Postprint (published version)
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In: http://www.unescocat.org/ca/arees/observatori/quaderns-de-recerca
La crisi financera i econòmica mundial que viu el món globalitzat des de l'estiu de 2007 planteja la qüestió de si estem davant de la fi d'un cicle o de la fi d'un model, i posa en evidència la necessitat d'un profund debat d'idees. A banda de les causes immediates de la crisi, s'observen causes profundes que són, principalment, resultat d'un període de globalització econòmica neoliberal. Si l'efecte de la crisi als països del Nord és evident i palpable, el seu impacte als països menys desenvolupats és devastador, la revisió del Consens de Monterrey, encaminada a concretar el finançament per a l'assoliment dels Objectius de Desenvolupament del Mil·lenni, va quedar frustrada pel naixement del G20. L'abordatge polític de la crisi posa en qüestió els lideratges mundials. Si bé el G20 va voler monopolitzar el debat, finalment les Nacions Unides, de la mà del president de l'Assemblea General, el pare d'Escoto, va poder convocar la Conferència sobre la Crisi Financera i Econòmica i els seus Efectes Sobre el Desenvolupament (juny de 2009). Malgrat que els seus resultats són molt menors, i no s'hi van acordar moltes de les recomanacions del mateix president i de la Comissió Stiglitz, les conclusions de tot plegat apunten a una imprescindible reforma del sistema i de la governança de l'economia financera mundial. El "G192", es va posar, doncs, sobre la taula un model de governança democràtica mundial per abordar un crisi global d'impacte sobre la ciutadania mundial. The financial and economic crisis that has been rocking the globalised world since the summer of 2007 raises the question of whether we are looking at the end of a cycle or the end of a model and highlights the need for a thorough debate of ideas. In addition to the immediate causes of the crisis (such as the bursting of the housing bubble and the toxicity of the financial markets), several deep-rooted causes can be found, most resulting from a period of neo-liberal economic globalisation. Whilst the crisis has had a clear and tangible impact on the countries of the North, it has been calamitous for less developed countries. The damage is compounded by the fact that the review of the Monterrey Consensus, intended to find the necessary financing to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, was thwarted by the emergence of the G20. The political hijacking of the crisis casts doubt on global leadership. Although the G20 monopolised the debate, in the end, the United Nations (UN), under the leadership of the president of the General Assembly, Father Miguel d'Escoto, managed to convene the Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on Development (June 2009). Despite the conference's modest results and the fact that no agreement was reached on many of the recommendations made by the president or the 'Stiglitz Commission', the conclusions as a whole point towards a crucial need to reform the system and governance bodies of the global financial economy. To this end, within the context of the UN, or 'G192', a model of global democratic governance was tabled to address a global crisis with an impact on global citizens ; Postprint (published version)
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