BOSTEDSLØSHET OG GOVERNANCE
In: Stat & styring, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 32-33
ISSN: 0809-750X
12 Ergebnisse
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In: Stat & styring, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 32-33
ISSN: 0809-750X
In: Stat & styring, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 58-59
ISSN: 0809-750X
We may dare to ask about rationale behind the recent devotion caused by Artificial Intelligence (AI). Whether it could be produced by the fear or, by contrast, it stems from the inner ignorance and uncertainty that blind us by attempting to give a quick explanation to a massive technological disruption directly caused by COVID19. AI is not a new phenomenon as such, despite the fact that what it could be new is the way AI is already interfering in citizens' daily life functions and services shaping them with a deep intensity as a result of the processing capacity of AI. Nonetheless, (i) little is known so far about the relationship between AI and governance, or what is worst, (ii) AI is being deployed without considering democratic accountability and far from our public eye and scrutiny. Acknowledging the complexity of such topic, this article constructively aims to analyse the ongoing technopolitical transformations occurring in the aftermath of the coronavirus crisis for the governance model of the Basque Country. This article is targeted to the political left (either Basque or Spanish nationalist) in pursuit of avoid delaying the work that should be implemented in response to questions, challenges, and policies for XXI. century algorithmic governance. The article concludes through three-intertwined-layer approach: (i) the first approach lists AI functional uses; (ii) the second approach presents brefly several AI projects being currently developed in different European countries; (iii) ultimately, a strategic roadmap lead to stakeholders in the Basque Country is outlined.
BASE
In: Nordisk politiforskning, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 53-82
ISSN: 1894-8693
In: Norsk statsvitenskapelig tidsskrift, Band 24, Heft 1-2, S. 86-107
ISSN: 1504-2936
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 13
ISSN: 2387-4562
The Arctic is saturated with nuclear facilities bringing both benefits for regional economic and social development and risks of nuclear and radiological accidents and concerns about radioactive wastes. There is every reason to expect the Arctic will remain a nuclearized region during the foreseeable future. This makes it important to direct attention to issues of nuclear safety and security in the region. We identify several clusters of these issues in the Arctic, including the challenges of potential nuclear accidents, the handling of spent nuclear fuel and radioactive waste, the cleanup of radiological contaminants, and concerns about nuclear security. An analysis of international conventions and voluntary codes of conduct shows that they are applicable to Arctic nuclear safety and security, but only in general terms. This suggests a need for an Arctic-specific agreement on nuclear and radiological safety, emergency preparedness and response, and cleanup of radiological contaminants. The outbreak of military hostilities in Ukraine in February 2022 has disrupted normal procedures for addressing issues of common concern in the Arctic. But the need for co-operation regarding matters like nuclear safety and security will not go away. Assuming it is possible to devise "necessary modalities" for restarting the work of the Arctic Council following the acute phase of the Ukraine crisis, an Arctic-specific agreement on nuclear safety and security could be developed under the auspices of the Arctic Council, which already has taken an interest in nuclear safety through the activities of its Working Group on Emergency Prevention, Preparedness and Response. Once such an agreement is in place, it will become important to consider the infrastructure needed to ensure that its provisions are implemented effectively.
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 10, S. 24-52
ISSN: 2387-4562
Most studies of Asian state involvement in Arctic affairs assume that shorter sea-lanes to Europe are a major driver of interest, so this article begins by examining the prominence of shipping concerns in Arctic policy statements made by major Asian states. Using a bottom-up approach, we consider the advantages of Arctic sea routes over the Suez and Panama alternatives in light of the political, bureaucratic and economic conditions surrounding shipping and shipbuilding in China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. Especially Japanese and Korean policy documents indicate soberness rather than optimism concerning Arctic sea routes, noting the remaining limitations and the need for in-depth feasibility studies. That policymakers show greater caution than analysts, links in with our second finding: in Japan and Korea, maritime-sector bureaucracies responsible for industries with Arctic experience have been closely involved in policy development, more so than in China. Thirdly, we find a clear tendency towards rising industry-level caution and restraint in all three countries, reflecting financial difficulties in several major companies as well as growing sensitivity to the economic and political risks associated with the Arctic routes. Finally, our examination of bilateral and multilateral Chinese, Japanese and Korean diplomatic activity concerning Arctic shipping exhibits a lower profile than indicated by earlier studies.
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 9, S. 264-266
ISSN: 2387-4562
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 9, S. 262-263
ISSN: 2387-4562
In: Sosiologisk tidsskrift: journal of sociology, Band 19, Heft 1, S. 92-95
ISSN: 1504-2928
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 10, S. 142-164
ISSN: 2387-4562
The article addresses the issue of indigenous agency and its influence on the contestation of indigenous rights norms in an extractive context from the perspective of organizations representing people, whose recognition as 'indigenous' is withheld by the Russian authorities. The article argues that a governance perspective and approach to recognition from 'below' provides a useful lens for comprehensively exploring strategies on norms contestation applied by these groups in the authoritarian normative context of Russia. Based on findings from a case study of Izhma-Komi organizations in the northwest Russian Arctic, the article identifies three strategies utilized by these organizations. By mobilizing inter-indigenous recognition, forging alliances with environmentalists and negotiating with an oil company, Izhma-Komi organizations have managed to extend certain rights and power previously not granted to them in an extractive context locally.
In: Tidsskrift for kjønnsforskning, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 258-261
ISSN: 1891-1781