Public services can develop two contrasting practices of accountability: the conventional model emphasises that to be accountable is to be 'held to account', to be expected to answer questions about performance and that the answers are then evaluated by superiors measured against some standard or expectation following which praise or blame is meted out and sanctions applied. This mode of accountability is expresses hierarchy of authority. A very different process encourages dialogues of accountability between practitioners and publics, who 'give an account' offering a story that interprets and explains what has happened and why it has taken place. This paper observes these contrasting practices in the development of school governance in England and argues for the importance of dialogue to enhance learning and democratic responsiveness. ; Public services can develop two contrasting practices of accountability: the conventional model emphasises that to be accountable is to be 'held to account', to be expected to answer questions about performance and that the answers are then evaluated by superiors measured against some standard or expectation following which praise or blame is meted out and sanctions applied. This mode of accountability is expresses hierarchy of authority. A very different process encourages dialogues of accountability between practitioners and publics, who 'give an account' offering a story that interprets and explains what has happened and why it has taken place. This paper observes these contrasting practices in the development of school governance in England and argues for the importance of dialogue to enhance learning and democratic responsiveness.
El objetivo de este trabajo fue hacer una genealogía sobre el concepto de gobernanza, presentar diferentes conceptualizaciones sobre el tema y discutirlos a la luz de algunos elementos de la gobernanza ambiental. La metodología está basada en revisión bibliográfica y documental. Desarrollos del concepto de gobernanza son abordados e implementados por organismos multilaterales, también por pensadores de las ciencias sociales, de los movimientos sociales y de organizaciones no gubernamentales. Sobre gobernanza se pueden diferenciar tres enfoques: uno que la entiende como sinónimo de gobierno; otro que la asume como un marco normativo o conjunto de criterios que deben satisfacer los sistemas políticos para el logro de los objetivos propuestos, y finalmente, la gobernanza puede ser entendida también como la coordinación que tiene lugar en espacios no jerárquicos (redes), que promueven la participación de la sociedad civil en la deliberación de los asuntos públicos y ambientales, mediante sistemas de gobierno gestados por las propias comunidades, que muestran una nueva visión de democracia que han ido edificando, con logros en la creación de nuevas normas para la gestión de los bienes comunes y de su territorio. CC BY-NC-SA Gestión y Ambiente (2016). ; The objective of this work was making a genealogy on the concept of governance, presenting several definitions and discussing them in the light of some elements of environmental governance. The methodology is based on a bibliographic and documentary revision. Developments of this concept are addressed and implemented by multilateral agencies, and also by thinkers of social sciences, social movements and non-governmental organizations. Three approaches of governance can be distinguished: one that understands it as a synonym of government; other that defines it as a framework policy or set of criteria that must be complied by the political systems for the achievement of the proposed objectives; and the third approach states that governance can be understood as the coordination that takes place in non-hierarchical spaces (networks), which promote the participation of civil society in the discussion of public and environmental affairs, through government systems used by communities themselves. This third approach of governance reveals the new vision of democracy that these communities have been building up, with achievements related to the creation of new standards for the management of common goods and their territory. CC BY-NC-SA Gestión y Ambiente (2016).
El gobierno de las universidades americanas está profundamente enraizado en los ideales de la democracia americana y en el concepto de citizen board of trustees(personas ajenas a la institución que llevan a cabo una supervisión de la Universidad o el College sin llegar a llevar el trabajo cotidiano). Estos ciudadanos no son empleados de la institución o de alguno de los gobiernos de los cincuenta Estados del país. Su tarea consiste en representar a la vez a la institución y al conjunto de los intereses de los ciudadanos.Un governing board posee diferentes e importantes responsabilidades, como la supervisión de las finanzas de la institución financieras, los programas académicos y los estándares, y el conjunto de las directrices estratégicas. Una de las más importantes responsabilidades que asumen los governing board es la protección y preservación de la independencia y la autonomía de la institución. Para que el governing board lleve a cabo con éxito sus tareas hace falta una estrecha relación de trabajo con la administración de la institución de educación superior y, en particular, con el presidente/rector. El presidente/rector es contratado y evaluado por el órgano de gobierno y es el principal gestor y portavoz. Cuenta con un gabinete de vicepresidentes/vicerrectores, y preside la administración académica y tiene la facultad de dirigir los objetivos estratégicos establecidos y aprobados por el governing board. Aunque la máxima responsabilidad resida en el governing board, algunas decisiones se podrían delegar al presidente/rector, y a la autoridad académica como las decisiones curriculares.El sistema de estructuras de multicampus, donde un Consejo gobierna múltiples instituciones, son frecuentes en los Estados Unidos de América. Algunos sistemas gobiernan todos los colegios y las universidades públicas del Estado, otros lo hacen con instituciones que tengan misiones similares, y otros siguen un criterio regional.Mientras los citizen trusteeship generalmente reflejan un enfoque descentralizado en la toma de decisiones, formando parte de la cultura política americana, hay asuntos como las cualificaciones para la selección de los miembros del consejo, una correcta orientación y educación, y competencia que les demanda tiempo y atención. Los retos actuales a los que se enfrenta la educación superior en América son tales como una mejor preparación de los profesores, así como el aumento de la producción de grados deCollege degree, y la reducción de las diferencias que existen en los resultados académicos obtenidos por las minorías demográficas, e incluso cuestionarse si las estructuras de gobierno, apoyadas por citizen boards, resulta adecuada. Hablar de reformas para reforzar el gobierno y sus habilidades para dirigir las respuestas estratégicas hacia esos retos es cada vez más frecuente. Siendo también objeto de crítica la selección, la formación, el compromiso con el interés público general o con la institución educativa, a pesar de las dudas que se refieren a su eficacia para el siglo XXI, los citizen governing boards permanecen como uno de los mejores rasgos de la educación universitaria americana. AbstractAmerican higher education governance is deeply rooted in the ideals of American democracy and in the concept of a citizen board of trustees – persons outside the institution who oversee the university or college but do not run it on a day-to-day basis. These citizens are not employees of the institution or of any of the individual 50 state governments. Their duty it is to represent both the institution and the broad public interest of citizens.A governing board has several important responsibilities, including oversight of the institution's finances, academic programs and standards, and broad strategic direction. One of the most critical governing board responsibilities is protecting and preserving the independence and autonomy of the institution. For the board to successfully carry out its responsibilities requires an effective working relationship with the college or university administration, in particular, the president. The college president is hired and evaluated by the governing board and is the lead manager and lead spokesperson. With a cabinet of vice presidents, he or she leads the academic administration and the faculty toward the strategic goals established approved by the governing board. Although ultimate responsibility rests with the governing board, many decisions should be delegated to the president, and also to the faculty for academic and curriculum decisions.Multicampus system structures, where one board governs multiple institutions, are prevalent in the United States. Some systems govern all public colleges and universities in the state, some govern institutions of similar mission, and some are regionally based. Systems are led by a system executive with constituent campuses by campus presidents. Statewide coordinating boards and agencies exist in most states, and in just under half they play a significant role in state policy development and regulation.While citizen trusteeship generally reflects the decentralized approach to decision making that is part of American political culture, there are concerns about qualifications for board members selection, adequate orientation and education, and competing demands on their time and attention. Modern challenges facing U.S. higher education, such as preparing more and better teachers, increasing college degree production, and narrowing the education achievement gaps of minority populations, also lead many to question whether governance structures undergirded by citizen boards are adequate. Talk of reforms to strengthen governance and its ability to lead strategic responses to these challenges are increasing in frequency. Although subject to criticism about their selection, training, and commitment to either the broad public interest or the institution, and despite concerns about their effectiveness for the 21st Century, citizen governing boards remain one of American higher education's best features.
En el presente texto se analiza la semántica de la governance, el proceso de deconstitucionalización del mando, y la reconfiguración del léxico y de las categorías fundamentales de la política a partir de la de-soberanización y de la gubernamentalización de dispositivos institucionales y normativos. Para ello, se vincula reconstrucción genealógica y descripción analítica, las líneas fundamentales de articulación del debate politológico y la obra de Michel Foucault.
El presente artículo propone enfocar la contracción del papel económico de los gobiernos nacionales en favor de los mercados, uno de los aspectos más evidentes de una evolución aún en camino, teniendo en cuenta el debate más general sobre las interacciones entre globalización y crisis del Estado nacional. La transformación cualitativa y debido a muchos factores de la economía mundial ha producido una comprensión de la soberanía que pone interesantes dudas acerca del futuro del Estado nacional, relacionado a la evolución de la sociedad civil globalizada. Entre las causas de estos cambios hay que mencionar las innovaciones tecnológicas, las definiciones de una nueva dimensión del capital financiero que incluya los términos de las transacciones y las estrategias de los operadores del sector, que afectan a los modelos de gestión de las instituciones públicas, la internacionalización y la multinacionalización del mercado y de las empresas. La gobernanza global, es decir la necesidad de "gobernar" la globalización a través de la introducción de relaciones más estables y eficientes entre los Estados nacionales, parece al autor la mejor opción en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales y de la protección de los ciudadanos. ; The essay proposes itself, mantaining the most general terms of the debate about the interactions between globalization and Nation-State crysis, as a focus on one of the most evident aspects in an evolutive process still ongoing: the resize of the economic role played by national governments for the benefit of the markets. The change in terms of quality of the global economy forced by an happening of many factors like technological innovation, the definition of a new dimension of the financial capital in which the terms of transactions and strategies of the operators strongly influence the management models of the government, the internationalization and the multinationalization of markets and companies, has created at the same time a compression of that sovereignty which asks some interesting questions about the future of the Nation-State, also in relation to the evolution of global society. The "global governance", that is, the need to rule the globalization by starting more stable and more efficient bridging forms between Nation-States, seems to be, to the author, the best answer in terms of international relations and protection of citizens. ; peerReviewed
RESUMEN: El artículo problematiza las premisas ontológicas con las que la gobernanza global —como concepto y como proyecto político— se concibe y cómo esto institucionaliza y perpetúa la exclusión a través de violencias encubiertas que habilitan ciertas formas de ser y estar en el mundo, entre ellas, procesos de construcción del otro, la aceptación de una manera de conocer la realidad, restringiendo la posibilidad de pensar lo político global por otras vías. A partir de un enfoque crítico que toma argumentos posestructuralistas y poscolonialistas de las Relaciones Internacionales, se propone que existen alternativas que provienen de cosmovisiones diferentes que no solo pueden utilizarse para abordar los problemas desde otras perspectivas, que dan luces sobre otra forma de pensar la gobernanza global. ; ABSTRACT: The article problematizes the ontological assumptions under which global governance —as a concept and as a political project— is conceived, and how this institutionalizes and perpetuates the exclusion through covered violences that habilitate certain forms of being in the world. Among them, the process of constructing the Other and the acceptance of a determined form of knowing reality, restricting the possibility of thinking the political in other possible ways. Drawing from International Relations´critical perspectives such as poststructuralism and postcolonialism, some insights are offered to think of global governance differently.
[EN] The decline of sovereign power of the national states and the correlative transition to a post-national constellation are among the major trends that characterize the current geopolitical chessboard. This new situation requires a political response with democratic orientation in order to recover the cosmopolitan project and to expedite the juridification of the international sphere. One of the biggest challenges in this regard consists in reconciling the need for global governance of common affairs of humanity with the justified demands for democratic participation and deliberation. ; [ES] El declive del poder soberano de los Estados nacionales y la correlativa entrada en escena de una constelación postnacional constituyen algunas de las grandes tendencias que caracterizan el tablero geopolítico actual. Ante este nuevo contexto referencial, se torna en asunto perentorio tratar de perfilar una respuesta en clave democrática con el fin de recuperar el proyecto cosmopolita y avanzar en la juridificación de la esfera internacional. Una propuesta en esta dirección debe afrontar, en cualquier caso, la dificultad no menor de armonizar la gobernanza global de los asuntos comunes de la humanidad con las irrenunciables exigencias democráticas de participación y deliberación. ; Peer reviewed
El artículo problematiza las premisas ontológicas con las que la gobernanzaglobal —como concepto y como proyecto político— se concibe y cómo estoinstitucionaliza y perpetúa la exclusión a través de violencias encubiertas que habilitanciertas formas de ser y estar en el mundo, entre ellas, procesos de construcción delotro, la aceptación de una manera de conocer la realidad, restringiendo la posibilidadde pensar lo político global por otras vías. A partir de un enfoque crítico que tomaargumentos posestructuralistas y poscolonialistas de las Relaciones Internacionales,se propone que existen alternativas que provienen de cosmovisiones diferentes queno solo pueden utilizarse para abordar los problemas desde otras perspectivas, quedan luces sobre otra forma de pensar la gobernanza global. ; The article problematizes the ontological assumptions under which globalgovernance —as a concept and as a political project— is conceived, and how thisinstitutionalizes and perpetuates the exclusion through covered violences thathabilitate certain forms of being in the world. Among them, the process of constructingthe Other and the acceptance of a determined form of knowing reality, restricting thepossibility of thinking the political in other possible ways. Drawing from InternationalRelations´critical perspectives such as poststructuralism and postcolonialism, someinsights are offered to think of global governance differently.
One of the more fascinating themes of the present debate about the role of the state in international relations is represented by the concept of human security. This concept was first introduced in the Human Development Report published in 1994 by the UNDP as one of the five pillars of a new "people-centred world order". In my contribution i will present the salient traits of theories of human security and security governance that operate on the foundation of proposals for global security in the official documents by UN, UNDP, OSCE in order to interprete human security as a part of a wider neo-liberal governmentality, putting both individuals and collectivities "at work" in a search for an economic self-governance. ; Uno de los temas más fascinantes del presente debate acerca del papel del estado en las relaciones internacionales está representada por el concepto de la seguridad humana. Este concepto fue introducido por primera vez en el Informe sobre desarrollo Humano publicado por el UNDP en 1994 como uno de los cinco pilares de un nuevo "orden mundial centrado en las personas". En mi intervención voy a presentar los rasgos sobresalientes de las teorías de la seguridad humana y la gestión de la seguridad que operan sobre la base de las propuestas de la seguridad global en los documentos oficiales de la ONU, el UNDP y la OSCE, a fin de interpretar la seguridad humana como parte de un contexto más amplio de la gubernamentalidad neoliberal colocando tanto individuos y colectividades "en el trabajo" en una búsqueda de una auto-gobernanza económica.
TEZ9907 ; Tez (Doktora) -- Çukurova Üniversitesi, Adana, 2015. ; Kaynakça (s. 244-265) var. ; xviii, 266 s. ; 29 cm. ; Sosyal bilimlerin birçok alanında kullanılan, disiplinler arası bir kavram olan kurumlar, iktisat yazınında önemli bir yer tutmaya başlamıştır. North'un kavramsallaştırması ile oyunun kuralları olarak tanımlanan kurumlar, bireylerin davranışkalıplarını belirleyen kısıtları koymaktadır. Bu kısıtlar resmi veya gayri resmi nitelikte olabilir. İnsan davranışları üzerindeki etkisi her geçen gün daha fazla kabul gören kurumlar, iktisadi ve siyasi olarak sistemin işleyişini, sistemin kazan ve kaybedenlerini de belirleme gücüne sahiptir. Bu işleyiş birçok araştırmacı tarafından farklı yönleri ile alınarak kavramsallaştırılmıştır. Kurumların gelişmişlik düzeyi üzerindeki etkisini ele alan birçok kuram geliştirilmiştir. Kurumlar literatürüne bu anlamda katkı sunan önemli isimlerden biri de Daron Acemoğlu'dur. Kurumların kapsayıcı veya dışlayıcı niteliğe sahip olmasını toplumsal atışma teorisi temelinde ele alan Acemoğlu'na göre kapsayıcı kurumlara sahip ülkeler gelişme gösterebilmektedir. Çünkü bu ülkeler farklı sosyal gruplar arasında uzlaştırıcı bir iktisadi ve siyasi sistem kurgulayarak siyasi gücün tek bir kişi veya grup elinde toplanmasını engellemektedir. Böylelikle yatırım ve yenilik yapma isteği, kendi kazancına ve mülkiyetine sahip çıkabileceğini bilen bireylerin oluşturduğu toplumlarda gelişmiş olmaktadır. Gelişme probleminin önündeki en önemli sorun, elindeki siyasi gücü kaybetme kaygısı taşıyan seçkinlerin toplumun elindeki kaynakları sadece kendileri için kullanmasıdır. Siyasi kaybedenler hipotezi olarak ifade edilen bu yaklaşım, siyasi gücün ve siyasi kurumların önemine de vurgu yapar. Bu çalışmada siyasi kaybedenler hipotezi Türkiye özelinde de ele alınarak değerlendirilmiştir. Cumhuriyetin kuruluşundan bugüne kadar farklı sosyal gruplar arasındaki çatışmaları uzlaştırıcı kapsayıcı kurumların oluşturulamaması, yönetişim başarısızlıklarının temel sonucu olarak görülmektedir. Ayrıca yapılan panel ; Institution as an interdisciplinary concept which is used in a vast range of social sciences has a great importance in economics literature nowadays. Related to the North, we can define it as the rule of games, which means that institutions put constrains on individuals' behaviors. These constraints can be in formal forms as well as informal ones. That the human behaviors are designed by institutions is becoming a wellaccepted idea day by day, therefore it is the same to accept thefunctions of institutions in economics and social process; its power on determining the losers and winners of society. This process with its different sides has been investigated by scientists. Several theories are constructed for understanding therelations between institutions and development level. Daron Acemoğlu is one of the economists who have important contributions to the institutional theory. He uses inclusive and exclusive institutions concept with social conflict theories for explaining the reason for that some countries have better development level in compare to others. Since these countries succeed in establishing political and economic institutions which have ability solve social conflicts in order to prevent elites' selfinterested behaviors for using societies' resources. Therefore incentives for investment and innovation can grow societies which have well protected property rights and gains. The most important problem for development is the fear of elites who do not want to lose their political power. This theory is called political losers hypothesis and it underlines the importance of political institutions accompanied with political power. In this study, political losers hypothesis was investigated as a case study for Turkey's history. The main result is that Turkey's exclusive institutions have inability to solve social conflicts which cause the governance problems. Additionally, the panel data analysis results support the informal institutions' effects on development and shows how it affects the changes related to development level. ; Bu çalışma Ç.Ü. Bilimsel Araştırma Projeleri Birimi tarafından desteklenmiştir. Proje No: İİBF2012D4.
RESUMEN: Este texto pretende compilar algunas herramientas que permita entender un poco más sobre gobernanza en salud dentro del ámbito internacional y nacional; definiciones, actores y, posiciones de algunos escritores. Contiene elementos que ayudan al análisis de la gobernanza dentro de los países y como su concepción aplicada ayuda al desarrollo de los países y a la planificación en salud. Nos muestra como desde el accionar internacional, nacional y la interdisciplinariedad por medio del trabajo intersectorial entre gobiernos y organizaciones definen los rumbos de las acciones e implementación de programas que ayudan a mejorar las condiciones de salud de las comunidades. Tiene elementos que nos permiten en visualizar un poco el accionar de los gobiernos por medio de acuerdos y decisiones en favor de la salud pública mundial y ejemplos de cómo el ejercicio de la gobernanza es fundamental para la toma de decisiones, nos muestra también algunos resultados del accionar en salud a nivel internacional y local. Este texto nos menciona condiciones favorables y dificultades, como también de las alianzas que realizan los diferentes actores que intervienen para lograr impacto en salud a escala mundial o regional. Responsabilidades y compromisos de los actores, además de obstáculos y desafíos que enfrentan para que el ejercicio de la gobernanza en salud sea más efectivo y su accionar lleguen a las poblaciones más vulnerables. ; ABSTRACT: This text aims to compile some tools for understanding a little more about health governance within the international and national levels; definitions, actors and writers positions. It contains elements that help the analysis of governance within countries and applied as conception development aid to countries and health planning. It shows how from international action, national and interdisciplinarity through intersectoral collaboration between governments and organizations define the directions of actions and implementation of programs that help improve the health conditions of communities. It has elements that allow us to visualize a little the actions of governments through agreements and decisions for global public health and examples of how the exercise of governance is essential for decision-making, also shows some results health actions at international and local level. This text mentions us favorable conditions and difficulties, as well as alliances made by the different actors involved to achieve health impact on a global or regional scale. Responsibilities and commitments of the actors, along with obstacles and challenges they face in the exercise of health governance more effective and their actions reach the most vulnerable populations.
RESUMEN: Las características predominantes de la descentralizaciónen América Latina condicionan el ejercicio y alcance del poder político regional y local, y por consiguiente las prácticas de gobernanza en las unidades subnacionales. Este artículo analiza cómo las dimensiones política, administrativa y fiscal de la descentralización determinan rasgos específicos de la gobernanza en los municipios. En términos generales, a mayor grado de descentralización, mayores pueden ser los alcances de la gobernanza en las unidades subnacionales descentralizadas. Adicionalmente, examina las implicaciones que tienen para la gobernanza las dos orientaciones predominantes de la descentralización en América Latina: una, con énfasis en aspectos económicos; y otra, con tendencias sociales y democratizadoras. ; ABSTRACT: The predominant characteristics of decentralization in Latin America condition the exercise and scope of regional and local political power, and therefore the governance practices in subnational units. This article discusses how political, administrative and fiscal aspects of decentralization determine specific features of governance in municipalities and cities. Generally speaking, the greater the degree of decentralization, greater may be the scope of governance in decentralized subnational units. Additionally, examines the implications that the two dominant orientations of decentralization in Latin America: one, with emphasis on economics; and other, with social and democratizing trends, have for governance.
Yönetişim, devlet yönetiminde geleneksel olana (kamu kurumlarının tekil aktörlüğüne) yeni bir seçenektir. Karar alma yetki ve gücünü merkezin dışına taşıyan yönetişim, müzakereye dayalı bir yönetimin ifadesi olarak kabul edilir. Bu yönüyle hem daha verimli hem de daha demokratik bir yönetimi ifade eder. Türkiye'de 2006 yılından itibaren kurulan kalkınma ajansları da yönetişim örneği olarak adlandırılır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, kalkınma ajanslarının yapısal düzenlemelerin dışında gerçek anlamda bir yönetişim örneği olup olmadığını güncel raporlar ışığında ortaya çıkarabilmektir ; Governance is a new alternative of the state's traditional forms of administration to the singular agent of public institutions. Governance, which carries decisionmaking authority and power out of the core, is considered a hallmark of administration based on negotiation. In this sense, it refers to both more democratic and more efficient form of administration. Turkish development agencies that have been established since 2006 are also labeled as an example of governance. The aim of this study is to demonstrate, beyond the structural adjustments, whether development agencies are examples of governance in real sense in the light of recent reports.
Nowadays, transparency and Governance are relevant for Spain. Especially, for the dissatisfied citizenship and the weakness in national and local institutions over the last few years, with results like not trusting, less guarantee on healthcare and education system, the corruption in public administration, politics-economic issues, and so on. Although, in the European Union, Spain has been one of the last countries to regulate this issue, whit Act 19/2013 there are new objectives relating to open government, citizenship, technology, accountability. Moreover in relation with the structure of administration because the "commission for transparency and good governance" was initiated on last 19th January. In general, its effectiveness in moderating this issue and applying measures in order to get administration systems cleaner in countries like Spain. ; Transparencia y Buen Gobierno son términos que en este tiempo resultan de interés para una España en crisis. La insatisfacción ciudadana y el debilitamiento institucional local y nacional son consecuencia de un declive en la garantía de los derechos sanitarios y educativos, de la falta de confianza en la administración pública, así como de problemas de corrupción en la gestión de lo público y derivados de la situación económica de los mercados. A pesar de un retraso en la regulación del tema, con la expedición de la Ley 19 de 2013 el gobierno español se suma a los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea que han presentado propuestas a nivel de gobierno, ciudadanía y nuevas tecnologías. Con esta ley se modifica la estructura de la administración pública para crear el Consejo de Transparencia y Buen Gobierno. ¿Es esta respuesta institucional una medida eficaz para la solución de la llamada crisis institucional en España? ¿Puede esta reforma oxigenar al aparato administrativo español?
Yüksek Lisans Tezi. YÖK Tez No: 439000 ; Bu çalışmada, Suriyeli sığınmacılara yönelik göç politikasının koordinasyonu ve uygulama sorunları belirlemek üzere Hatay, Gaziantep, Kilis ve İstanbul illerinde saha araştırması yapılmıştır. Yükselen bir göç krizi karşısında politika geliştirme ve kurumsal adaptasyonu anlamaya yönelik bir yaklaşım izlenmiştir. 2011'den beri Suriye üzerinden gelen sığınmacı akının devam edeceği bir taraftan vurgulanmaktadır. Suriye'den gelen bu sığınmacıların bir kısmı Suriye sınırına yakın kamplarda bir kısmı ve daha kalabalık bir kitle ise Türkiye genelinde farklı şehirlerde yaşamaktadır. Türkiye, Göç İdaresi Genel Müdürlüğünü kurarak krize yanıt vermeye çalışmıştır. Bu süreç zarfında ise AFAD yetkili kurum olarak görevlendirilmiştir. Çeşitli yerel, ulusal ve uluslararası sivil toplum ve insan hakları örgütleri de farklı yöntemlerle konuyu ele almaya çalışmışlardır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, devlet birimleri ve sivil toplum aktörlerinin politika kararlarının uygulanmasında etkileşimlerini göz önünde tutarak, Türkiye'de göç politikasının yönetim ve uygulama boyutunu analiz edebilmektir. Yerel düzeyde özellikle farklı aktörler arasında işbirliği ve koordinasyon derecesini anlamak önem arz etmektedir. Muhtemel sorunları belirlemek için Suriyeli sığınmacıların yoğun yaşadığı sınır illerinde öncelikle saha çalışmaları yapılmıştır. Bu iller Suriye-Türkiye sınır hattındaki çatışma bölgelerine yakın bulunmaktadır. Ardından bu illere mukayese imkanı verebilmesi açısından İstanbul ili de dahil edilmiştir. Saha çalışmasında, pek çok yerel yönetim birimi ve İl Göç İdaresi gibi devlet kurumlarından temsilcilerin yanı sıra sığınmacılara yönelik faaliyetlerde bulunan yerel, ulusal ve uluslararası sivil toplum kuruluşları temsilcileri ile mülakatlar gerçekleştirilerek aktörler arasındaki işbirliği ve koordinasyonun uygulama sorunları ve başarıları bağlamında farklı aktörler arasındaki farklı anlayışların analizini öncelenmiştir. Çalışma aynı zamanda Birleşmiş Milletler ve Avrupa Birliği gibi aktörler ve ...
