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An interdisciplinary approach to the study of the EU in UN human rights and environmental governance which addresses the legal and political science dimensions. With contributions from academics and policy-makers, this volume is a comprehensive analysis of how the challenges it faces impact on the EU's position in UN fora

An interdisciplinary approach to the study of the EU in UN human rights and environmental governance which addresses the legal and political science dimensions. With contributions from academics and policy-makers, this volume is a comprehensive analysis of how the challenges it faces impact on the EU's position in UN fora.

ABSTRACTMultilateral development banks (MDBs) are one of the most popular forms of international organization, with at least 27 operating in the world today. Although most academics and policy makers focus on the World Bank and major regional MDBs, the majority of MDBs are in fact relatively small, and controlled by developing as opposed to industrialized countries. How do the differing governance arrangements of these 'minilateral' development banks (MnDBs) impact their operations? This article takes the Trade and Development Bank (TDB), an MDB in Africa with 22 regional member countries, as a case study to consider this question. Based on an analysis of TDB's track record since 2005 and interviews with management and shareholders, the author finds that borrower‐led governance leads to substantial disadvantages in terms of access to finance. Borrower‐led governance permits TDB and other MnDBs greater operational flexibility, which partially compensates for this financial disadvantage, but these operational strategies come with trade‐offs in terms of developmental effectiveness. The findings suggest that MnDBs have substantial latent potential and, in an increasingly multipolar world, they are likely to grow in coming years. However, MnDBs need to ensure that their developmental value added is strengthened in step with their financial power.

The entry into force, on January 1st, 2012, of the European Union Directive 2008/101/EC extending the European Emission Trading System to domestic and international civil aviation has taken the dispute regarding its legitimacy to unprecedented heights. The choice of the EU legislator to include foreign air carriers and their CO2 emissions that occurred beyond EU airspace infuriated third countries, while the fact that the directive applies the same treatment to all airline operators whatever their nationality met vivid criticism from developing countries, in particular China and India.This paper investigates the reasons why the environmental objective pursued by the EU Aviation ETS does not seem sufficient to render its unilateral adoption acceptable to the international community, despite staging multilateral negotiations and despite the flourishing national transplants of the ETS system in other jurisdictions. Thereby it provides a preliminary assessment of what the current row implies for the global governance of climate change. Devoting particular attention to the positions of the EU and China in this dispute, it argues that the opposition to EU endeavour finds its roots in the normative frictions between the climate change regime and the international aviation regime, while the lack of process legitimacy of EU unilateralism provoked third countries' claims to the infringement of their national sovereignty. Thus, it concludes that in the current international system, the harmonization of regimes' normative goals and principles must result from a political choice, the absence of which can effectively frustrate the achievement of multilateral cooperation goals. Moreover, in such context, the unilateral imposition of an alternative path involving the other regime members against their consent, to palliate multilateral norm-making, is likely to meet increasingly strong opposition from an increasing number of powerful countries. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

APEC as an institution : multilateral governance in the Asia Pacific (A project of the APEC international assessment network (APIAN)) -- Contents -- The Contributors -- Glossary -- Introduction -- Section I: Policy Report -- 1. Remaking APEC as an Institution: The Third APIAN Policy Report -- Section II: APEC's Strategic Objectives -- 2. APEC's Overall Goals and Objectives, Evolution, and Current Status by Hadi Soesastro -- 3. APEC as a Pacific OECD Revisited by David MacDuff and Yuen Pau Woo -- Section III: Management Reforms -- 4. The APEC Secretariat: A Management Perspective by Stewart Goodings -- 5. Project Selection and Evaluation: APEC's Budget and Management Committee and the Secretariat by Richard E. Feinberg -- Section IV: Trade, Investment and ECOTECH -- 6. The APEC Decision-Making Process for Trade Policy Issues: The Experience and Lessons of 1994–2001 by Joseph M. Damond -- 7. Towards an Assessment of APEC Trade Liberalization and Facilitation by Ippei Yamazawa and Robert Scollay -- 8. Investment Liberalization and Facilitation in the Asia-Pacific: Can APEC Make a Difference? by Myrna S. Austria -- 9. The Wheel that Drives APEC: The Critical Role and Mandate of ECOTECH in APEC by Medhi Krongkaew -- 10. Potential in Search of Achievement: APEC and Human Resource Development by Nigel Haworth -- Section V: Non-Governmental Participation in APEC -- 11. Business Involvement in APEC by Michael C. Mullen -- 12. Civil Society Participation in APEC by Stewart Goodings -- Section VI: APEC and the Security Agenda: First Thoughts -- 13. APEC's Role in Political and Security Issues by John McKay -- Index.