Suchergebnisse

Women war veterans in South Sudan were active in armed conflicts at the front as well as in peacebuilding efforts in their home communities. In 2000, the United Nation Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) was adapted to include women with their unique conflict experiences and needs in decision-making positions in conflict resolution. Twenty years later, this thesis explores how efforts linked to UNSCR 1325 are implemented in the case study of South Sudanese women war veterans. I explore factors within the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programme which facilitated or hampered benefits for former women soldiers in the country, contributed to or restrained their meaningful participation in peace processes, and how their contributions to combat and peace have been acknowledged. To answer the research questions, eighteen qualitative interviews were conducted. Ten South Sudanese women war veterans who had participated in DDR and local peace processes as well as eight WPS experts were interviewed. In this process, I identified the following factors which deprived women from benefits intended by the DDR programme: lacking security at DDR sites, insufficient theoretical training, culturally insensitive childcare services, the prevention of a stable income and the failure to foster basic security in South Sudan. The thesis concluded that achievements by women war veterans in combat and peacebuilding received only little attention as they continue to be side-lined in the national peace process. By applying the Feminist Peace and Conflict Theory (FPCT) in the analysis, I identified patriarchal structures and the hierarchical order in the South Sudanese society as well as the neoliberal approach in international peacebuilding as potential root causes for the lacking implementation of UNSCR 1325 on the ground. ; NORAD ; M-DS

The thesis examines the legitimacy of the United Nations stabilisation mission present in Haiti from 2004 to 2017 to the local population, and how this configuration affected the outcomes achieved by the operation, as well as its long-term impact on the social and political conditions prevalent in the country. A comparative analysis with the cases of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Afghanistan, East Timor and Somaliland is performed in order to contrast the findings of the case study, and to enable more generalizable conclusions concerning the question of political legitimacy in postcolonial and developing countries affected by violent conflict, political instability and international interventions. Beyond the empirical analysis, the thesis aims to bring a theoretical contribution, presenting critical points for theory refinement concerning political legitimacy, especially in the contexts concerned here. The thesis argues that the peace-as-statebuilding paradigm of international interveners have contributed for the (re)production of predatory political economies, violent contestation and further social and political fragmentation in Haiti, Democratic Republic of Congo and Afghanistan, and reflects on how the international humanitarian apparatus can support societies affected so endogenous political processes can develop for the achievement of stability and democratisation.

This paper will explore the relationship between pilgrimage and peacebuilding. Studies on peace refer to three dimensions: peace from a personal dimension and spiritual sphere; peace from a social dimension and; peace from an environmental dimension (Sánchez Sánchez & Fernández Herreira, 1996). The connection between pilgrimage and peacebuilding starts with the individual quest of pilgrims; however, can be explored in the other two dimensions. The experience of pilgrimage and the pilgrims' quest for inner peace can enhance a respectful attitude towards people and places. Through interviews and observation on two pilgrimage routes in Spain (the Camino de Santiago and Camino Ignaciano) the links between pilgrimage and peacebuilding are explored. Results show a strong connection between pilgrimage and inner peace and pilgrimage and social peace. This connection is not so strong in the case of the environmental dimension of peace.

The birth year of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), 1963, is often considered Africa's year of independence. But political freedom did not mean freedom from the repression and violence which had characterized the colonial period. Wars and conflicts have scarred the continent since independence. After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, they became more complex and widespread. And so, too, did the international efforts to restore and (re) build peace in Africa. Countries worst affected by violence and conflict included Sierra Leone, Liberia, Rwanda, Somalia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan/South Sudan, Central African Republic, Mali, and Libya. In recent years, the quest for sustainable peace in Africa has taken on a new urgency, as instability and insecurity continue to negatively impact the lives of millions of Africans and hinder the continent's economic growth and development. This book joins the quest for peace by examining 30 years of peacebuilding in Africa, highlighting key lessons learned and offering some recommendations for making peace stick.

Bu çalışmada Avrupa Birliği'nin Batı Balkanlar'daki barış inşa çabaları Kuzey Makedonya konusu üzerinden değerlendirilmiştir. Çalışma, kanlı geçen 1990'lardan sonra Avrupa Birliği'nin bölgede kalıcı bir barışı tesis etmede ne derece etkili olduğunu belirlemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Savaş sonrası dönemde AB, bölge ülkelerine verdiği üyelik perspektifiyle pozitif barış inşası süreci başlatmıştır. Bu bağlamda; öncelikle Avrupa Birliği'nin barış inşa çalışmaları sosyal inşacılık perspektifinden analiz edilmektedir. Sonrasında, Batı Balkan ülkelerindeki pozitif barış inşa sürecinde Avrupa Birliği'nin ne kadar etkin bir aktör olduğu değerlendirilmiş ve Birliğin Kuzey Makedonya'daki barış inşa çabaları irdelenmiştir. Bu çalışma, AB perspektifinin, Makedonya devleti nezdinde yarattığı olumlu yöndeki değişime de atıf yapmakla kalmamış, ülkedeki farklı etnik gruplar arasındaki ilişkinin görece olarak pozitif bir yönde evirildiğini de tespit etmiştir. Çalışma, Avrupa Birliği'nin bölgede barış ve istikrarı sağlamayı başarsa da bu barışın kalıcı değil, yüzeysel olduğunu savunmakta ve barışa yönelik en büyük tehdidin milliyetçilik kaynaklı olduğunu belirtmekte, sonuç olarak Avrupa Birliği'nin kalıcı bir barış için daha fazla çaba sarf etmesi gerektiğini vurgulamaktadır. --- In this study, the peacebuilding efforts of the European Union in the Western Balkans is evaluated through an analysis of the Republic of North Macedonia. The study aims to assess the extent to which the EU has been able to restore a perpetual peace in the region after the bloody years in the 1990s. In the post-conflict era, the EU initiated positive peacebuilding process in the region with a prospect of EU membership. In this regard, firstly the EU's context of the peacebuilding is analysed from the social constructivist perspective. Then, the actorness of the EU while implementing its positive peace agenda is elaborated. As a case study, the peacebuilding process in the North Macedonia is examined. It tries to find an answer to the question of to what extent the EU has been able to transform and strengthen the governance of Macedonia and establish positive relations among ethnic groups in the country. The thesis concludes that even though the EU has achieved in securing and stabilising the region to a certain degree, it is a superficial peace. Nationalism still has potential to endanger the stability of the region. The EU needs to perform more efforts to establish a permanent peace.

The signing of the Peace Agreement between the national Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) was seen as an opportunity to improve the living conditions of the peasants of the northwestern Colombian Amazon. These peasants occupied the region through a long process of colonization and ended up being involved in the dynamics of coca growing and the armed conflict. However, when some rural inhabitants of the departmental capital, San José del Guaviare, were asked what they expected from the ensuing peace building, some uncertainty was perceived regarding their possibilities of remaining in the territory, given the lack of productive alternatives and the overlapping of management structures such as the Amazon Forest Reserve, the Nukak Indigenous Reservation and the Peasant Reserve Zone. To reveal the current situation of the peasants of Guaviare, in addition to the documentary research, which provided a better understanding of the processes of peasant colonization of the forest environment, the ethnographic fieldwork, carried out during three short stays in six villages and in a former Territorial Space for Training and Reincorporation (TSTR), made it possible to understand the different realities of the rural territory, through informal conversations, open interviews, and workshops involving the community. The results of the research reveal that the inhabitants who, decades ago, settled in the rural area of San José del Guaviare, including the former FARC combatants, are peasants who wish to live in peace, despite the historical difficulties associated with its occupation. To be able to do so, the formalization of land tenure and rural productivity must be guaranteed. The contribution of this article lies in the fact that it manages to unveil the territorial memory associated with coca and the conflict, in part of the Colombian Amazon, based on the voices of peasants and ex-combatants, who share a territory that they recognize as their own, and the problems involved in peace building.

Abstract
In the Northern region of Ghana in the mid-1990s a coalition of NGOs came together to mediate an end to a large-scale inter-ethnic conflict. This essay develops the theoretical concepts of conflict and peace narratives to show how this process was able to transcend the violence. It also examines how the NGO-mediated negotiations compared and related with concurrent state initiatives. NGO advantage derived from the social capital that these organisations had accumulated through local service provision, and the perceived neutrality of the talks they arranged, highlighting the complex relationships between the provision of services, state resources and conflict resolution effectiveness.

No abstract available.

The application of complex adaptive systems (CAS) analysis can enhance the effectiveness of coordination in international peacebuilding interventions. This study demonstrates the utility of an inductive CAS analysis approach using rich field data from Kosovo in 2010. It reveals unintended patterns of interaction across key sectors that blocked many intervenors' peacebuilding policies. Most notably, it shows that international actors pragmatically using informal coordination practices to advance peacebuilding goals also fuelled negative dynamics that, paradoxically, undermined those same goals. The methodology employed illuminates the complex, non-linear dynamics of interactions between international and local actors that led to many hybrid outcomes in Kosovo. Although the resulting insights on Kosovo's challenges are specific to the 2010 period, many continue to resonate today. More broadly, it shows how a CAS approach can be used to support evidence-based coordination and adaptive management processes in international peacebuilding interventions to improve outcomes.

AbstractHow can we better understand the complex interaction effects that are triggered when businesses and international government agencies become partners in social development? To answer, this article presents field experiences of Heineken in the Democratic Republic of Congo, ethnic cleansing in Myanmar, and the United Nations Global Compact in Dubai, to show the impact of key multi-stakeholder business-development policies as experienced by millions of people. These cases help us understand business and sustainable development interactions by exploring existing research gaps regarding issues of discourse, guidance, and legitimacy. This article has four aims: (1) to show that business-development interactions are much more complex than most case studies are able to encapsulate; (2) to explore how unintended ripple effects of even the most promising "win-win" business-development policies can carry catastrophic consequences; (3) to illustrate the potential benefits of a novel methodology for future research on business, global governance, and sustainable development; and (4) to show how business and development concerns interconnect across and through the macro- and meso-levels of analysis down to local livelihood interactions and impacts. I contextualize these experiences to emerging scholarship, opening avenues for building theory and improving policy on business, development, and peace.