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Violations of human rights have become an almost daily occurrence reported on TV & in the press. Massacres, murders, torture, violence, imprisonment of political opponents, are facts of life in a number of contemporary states; these states blatantly curtail the human rights of their citizens. It is argued that the governments & peoples of other countries have not only the right but also the duty to demand that these rights be respected. This feeling of global responsibility is increasing every day as part of the process of globalization itself. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

Europska konvencija za zaštitu ljudskih prava kao temeljni instrument Vijeća Europe za zaštitu građanskih i političkih prava ne jamči pravo na zdravstvenu zaštitu. Međutim, Europski sud za ljudska prava široko tumači Konvencijska prava te je unutar konteksta čl. 2., 3. i 8. Konvencije dao određene naznake da bi se mogao početi baviti i pitanjem zdravstvene zaštite. Bez ulaženja u detalje svih spomenutih članaka, u ovom radu bit će analizirani predmeti u kojima se Sud bavio pitanjem povrede čl. 3. zbog nepružanja zdravstvene skrbi i to izvan konteksta zadržavanja. Naime, unutar konteksta zadržavanja postoji jasna obveza državama na pružanje zdravstvene skrbi koju je Sud utvrdio djelomično se oslanjajući i na izvješća i Odbora za sprječavanje mučenja, neljudskog i ponižavajućeg ponašanja. Ono što smatramo značajnim istaknuti jest praksa Suda u odnosu na pružanje zdravstvene skrbi izvan konteksta zadržavanja, s obzirom na socijalni karakter prava na zdravstvenu zaštitu koji izlazi iz okvira građansko-političkog karaktera Konvencije. ; The European Convention on Human Rights, as a main Council of Europe instrument for the protection of civil and political rights, does not guarantee the right to health care. However, the European Court of Human Rights broadly interprets Convention rights, and within the context of Articles 2, 3 and 8 of the Convention it gave certain indications that it might start dealing with the issue of health care. Without going into details of all the mentioned articles, this paper will analyse cases where the Court dealt with the issue of violation of Article 3 due to non-provision of health care outside the context of detention. Namely, within the context of detention, there is a clear obligation for states to provide health care, and the Court often relies on the reports of the Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. What we consider important to point out is the Court's case-law on providing health care outside the context of detention, ...

S ciljem procjene adaptacijskih sposobnosti hrvatskih izbjeglica iz Baranje u Republici Mađarskoj, autori ovog rada psihijatrijskim su intervjuom po specifično pripremljenom upitniku za ovo istraživanje procjenjivali duševno stanje 100 izbjeglica u dobi od 10 do 82 godine. Prosječna starost izbjeglica bila je 38 godina. Procjenjivanje psihičkog stanja izbjeglica učinjeno je 6 tjedana nakon njihova dolaska u logor (socijalnu ustanovu) u jednom malom mjestu (Maria Gyud) u Mađarskoj. Autori nalaze da su izbjeglice napustile svoj dom i svoju Domovinu pred zatrašujućim neprijateljima, domaćim Srbima, koje identificiraju kao teroriste i pred srpskom vlasti potpomognutom Jugoslavenskom narodnom armijom. Napuštanje svojih domova i Domovine bilo je iznenadno, ali ipak svojom voljom. Odlazak je bio praćen strahom, tjeskobom, nevjericom, očajem, ljutnjom i rijetkim paničnim ponašanjem. Na prvom je mjestu bio strah za djecu, pa strah od mučenja i sakaćenja od strane terorista, dok su strahovi blažeg intenziteta bili za vlastiti život, rodbinu i imovinu. Dominantno osjećanje za vrijeme razgovora s izbjeglicama bilo je čežnja za domom i Domovinom i briga za budućnost. Ovo osjećanje je domininantno u 61% ispitanika. Emocionalne i psihosomatske smetnje je imalo 42% ispitanika, a grupiraju se oko Bardovog »neurasteničnog sindroma«. Samo 5% izbjeglica je zatražilo konkretnu psihijatrijsku pomoć, i to onih koji su i prije izbjeglištva imali psihičkih problema. Autori zaključuju da i nakon 6 tjedana boravka hrvatske izbjeglice iz Baranje u Republiku Mađarsku imaju adaptacijskih problema, a koji se manifestiraju emocionalnim i psihosomatskim reakcijama, pa preporučuju sistematsku domovinsku stručnu i laičku psihološku pomoć i podršku. ; Psychological state of a group of 100 refugees aged 10-82 yrs (mean, 38 yrs) was assessed by a psychiatric interview vising a questionnaire designed especially for this study. The aim of the study was to evaluate the adaptative capacities of Croatian refugees from Baranya temporarily accommodated in the Republic of Hungary. The interview was conducted 6 weeks after their arrival in the camp (a social care institution) in Maria Gyud, a small town in Hungary. The refugees were found to have fled their homes and Homeland in fear from cruel enemies, i.e. local Serbs whom they identified as terorists, and the Serbian governmental authorities backed up by the Yugoslav Federal Army. The refugees had to leave their homes and Homeland suddenly, but still of their own free will. The departure from home was accompanied by fear, anxiety, disbelief, despair, anger, and panic. First of all, they feared for their children, which was followed by fear from torture and mutilation by terrorists, whereas fears for their own life, relatives and properties were less pronounced. During the interview, homesickness and concern about the future pre dominated in 61% of subjects. Emotional and psychic disturbances, clustered around Beard's »neurasthenic syndrome«, were recorded in 42% of subjects. Actual psychiatric aid was sought by 5% of the refugees, mostly by those who had had some psyhic problems before this forcible displacement. The Croatian refugees from Baranya were found to experience adaptive problems manifesting as emotional and psychosomatic reactions, even after 6 weeks of their stay in Hungary. Provision of a systematic profesional and lay psychologic assistance and support from their Homeland is advised.

Životnim opredjeljenjem za Krista, širenjem i svjedočenjem Radosne vijesti Marica Stanković mnogo je putovala i pisala, držala brojna predavanja. Za vjernički apostolat u svjedočenju Papa Pijo XII. odlikovao ju je 1943. god. crkvenim odličjem "Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice – Za Crkvu i Papu". Uz brojne članke po mnogim časopisima pisala je i knjige, meditacije i druge tekstove te nam tako ostavila svjedočanstvo o svome katoličkom odgojnom radu osobito među ženskom mladeži. Velika većina njenih tekstova nije objavljena za njezina života, osobito ona koja su napisana u vremenu nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Tek nakon sloma komunističkog režima djela Marice Stanković su nam postala dostupna, neka tiskana a neka su još uvijek u ruko- pisu te nam daju poticaj za istraživanje pisane riječi ove učiteljice, istaknute katoličke aktivistice. Svojim dnevničkim zapisima o robijaškim danima u kaznionici u Požegi ostavlja nam u baštinu i zalog pisani trag prema kojem možemo donekle saznati kroz kakvu torturu su prolazile zatvorenice pa i drugi osuđenici zatvoreni zbog svojih političkih i vjerskih uvjerenja. Zbog svojih kršćanskih uvjerenja i velikog odgojnog utjecaja na mladež komunističke vlasti su je osudile na montiranom procesu na pet godina robije koje je provela od 1947. do 1952. u logoru u Požegi. Na suđenju je hrabro uzviknula "Živio Krist Kralj, živio Papa, živjela kršćanska Europa!", potom je s djevojkama s kojima je bila zajedno suđena nakon pročitane presude svečano u sudnici zapjevala: "Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat – Krist vlada, Krist pobjeđuje, Krist vječno kraljuje." ; Guided by apostolic zeal in spreading Christ's Kingdom, Marica Stanković much traveled and wrote, held numerous lectures and everywhere witnessed in favor of Christ. The Pope Pius XII awarded her, in 1943, the Church medal "Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice - For the Church and the Pope." In addition to numerous articles that she had written in many magazines, she also published books, meditations and other texts, through which she thus left to us a testimony of her Catholic educational work especially among female youth. The vast majority of her texts were not published during her life, especially the ones that were written in the aftermath of World War II. It was not before the collapse of the communist regime that the works of Marica Stanković became available to us, some typed while the others were still available as manuscripts; thus giving us an additional initiative to explore the written word of this teacher, the prominent Catholic activist. The entries in her diary, dating back to her penal days in the Pozega prison, left rich heritage and memories of the severity of torture that the prisoners were subjected to, the prisoners jailed due to their political and/or religious beliefs. Due to her Christian beliefs and the great educational impact she had on the younger population, the communist authorities sentenced her to a five year imprisonment, which she was forced to serve from 1947 to 1952 in the Pozega camp. During the trial, she bravely cried "Long live Christ the King, long live the Pope, lived Christian Europe!". Along with the girls who were also condemned and prosecuted there, after having heard the final verdict, all solemnly sang: "Christus vincit, Christus Regnat, Christus imperat."

U članku se analiziraju povijesne okolnosti bizarne priče Amijana Marcelina, čiji su se navodi uzimali samo kao dokaz da je Dioklecijan oktogonalni hram usred splitske građevine podigao kao mjesto svog trajnog počivališta i da je u njemu stvarno i pokopan. Amijan nam je, zapravo, opisao prvi sudski proces koji se 356. godine vodio u »Aspalatu«, koji je u to doba bio još uvijek neobična kombinacija imperijalne palače i državne tekstilne tvornice, te nam je dao izravan uvid u proces profanacije Dioklecijanovih uspomena u njegovoj palači i početke njene kristijanizacije. ; The article analyses the historical circumstances behind the story of Ammianus Marcellinus (XVI, VIII, 3-7), according to which a certain woman, in the year 356, during the reign of Constantius II, made a report to Rufinus, the chief steward of the praetorian prefecture of Illyricum, accusing her husband Danus and »a gang of plotters« of the theft of the purple robe (uelamen purpureum) from the sarcophagus of the emperor in his mausoleum in Split, of the crime, then, of lèse-majesté, of the most serious affront to the imperial majesty. In the subsequent inquiry, it later turned out that Rufinus had persuaded this woman by a tissue of lies to charge her guiltless husband. Always only in a passing comment, the story is taken as a proof that Diocletian built his octagonal temple as a place for his eternal resting place and that he was in fact entombed there. Ammianus, with his acute and impassioned evaluations of contemporary real politics and characters, described the trial that was conducted in the city, at that time still an uncommon combination of imperial palace and factory for army textiles (Gynaeceum Iovense Dalmatiae – Aspalatho as the place is called, in entirely official terms, in Notitia Dignitatum at the beginning of the 5th century). The Split episode is mentioned as the first in a series of proofs that Constantius II exceeded the severity of Caligula, Domitian and Commodus in the processes of interrogating accused persons who were in any way suspected of having threatened his rule or the attributes of his dignity. The many people put to torture during the investigation must have been working people and officials in Diocletian's gynaeceum. The investigation was conducted, highly logically, by Ursulus, count of the largesses, that is, the head of the sacred state treasury, under whose direct jurisdiction the gynaeceum Io-vense in Aspalathos lay, and by Lollianus Mavortius – praefectus praetorio per Illyricum, known to us as the dedicatee of an important book about astrology by the Late Antique writer Julius Firmicius Maternus, lavishing on him numerous encomiums. It is worth pointing out at once that appointment of Lollianus Mavortius to the position of examining magistrate in the Split case was very logic, not only because he, like count Ursulus, belonged to the imperial consistory, but because at that time justice in the appeal court was carried out by the praetorian prefect, as it was on occasions in the court of first instance. Ursulus was appointed Mavortius' collaborator; in fact, he is the central character in the whole story, one of the exceptionally rare positive characters in the world of Ammianus. He was count of the sacred largesses. A number of special financial bodies were underneath him: in Illyria, for example Rationalis summarum Pannoniae secundae, Dalmatiae et Saviae, as well as comes largitionum per Illyricum. (Not. dig., 188), in rank almost equal to the governor. Dependent on the counts largitionum per Illyricum were the prepositi (for example, Prepositus thesaurorum Salonitanorum), managers of the state workshops, procurators, of which there was a fair number in Illyria (for example, Procurator monetae Siscianae) and also the Comes metallorum per Illyricum (who controlled the gold mines in the interior). In Salona there was also a separate gynaecium, certainly connected with that in Aspalato; also there was a separate workshop for dyeing silk and wool with scarlet – bafium, as well as a weapons factory – fabrica Salonitana armorum, where helmets, gauntlets, breastplates and so on were produced, under the direct control of the magister officiorum. The real investigation into the theft of the purple from Diocletian's tomb carried out precisely by the comes sacrararum largitionum; this shows, it should be underlined, not so much the emperor's wish to get things into the open by a really righteous and strict person, as Ammianus would have it, rather the fact that the crime happened in the premises that were under the direct jurisdiction of the highest financial officer of the empire. The procedure was not conducted by anyone from the level of the provincial politburo, not by any of the officers in Salona, which at that time was the head of the diocese of western Illyria, the prefecture of Italia (composed of seven provinces). Ursulus' authority in the case of this enquiry is thus extremely significant. The comes sacrarum largitionum directly oversaw the work of the gynaecea, like that called after Jupiter in Asapalto. Rufinus is a particularly picturesque character. He was princeps clarissimus, in the highest rank of state officials (agentes ducenarii), from whom the heads of the officia of the prefects and the most important civil governors for West and East were chosen, or for the military in the East. Via these principes, the court was able to keep a close eye on the working of the provincial governors, that is, they had official spies (if we can really say that). We recognise Rufinus from a second Ammianus story (XV, III, 7-11). Danus is usually considered to have been a slave, according to an actually rather arbitrary repair by Heraeus of a lacuna of some 11 to 14 letters in the firstsentence [Per id tempus fer……….num quendam nomine Danum → Per id tempus fere servum quendam nomine Danum]. But Pighi fills this same lacuna by venturing that Danus might have been some official – a palatinus or praefectianus (in his supplement: palatinum vel praefactianum), which does seem a more logical solution. He might, then, have had some official standing in Aspalathos, and Ammianus' story could well be an indirect confirmation of the operations of the gynaeceum in Aspalathos. This new approach, in which we are no longer dealing with a slave, as has been commonly thought, but, probably, with one of the officials in the management of the imperial textile factory in Split, elegantly explains the apparent contradiction of the affair between Rufinus and Danus' wife. We have no knowledge of how the cunning Rufinus became acquainted with this thoughtless woman. Perhaps he met her during an investigation into the theft in the Split mausoleum, which without any doubt really did happen. He seduced her (post nefandum concubitum) with fine words and promises (ut loquebatur iactantius). Ammianus' account might have been a significant proof of the beginnings of Christianity's squaring of accounts with the reliquaries of paganism within the Palace. It was in that same year, 356, that by the edict of Constantius all the pagan temples in Rome and elsewhere in major centres (which would have included Split, which was under direct imperial control) were closed down. This could well have emboldened the Split conspirators to take steps in squaring accounts with the irritating presence of the mortal remains of the emperor-persecutor in the midst of the Split palace-factory, which at that time was already certainly in the process of Christianisation. The sentences that Ammianus might have based on a direct inspection of the dossier of the Roman prefecture certainly demand to be analysed in detail and, as far as is possible, supplemented. The short Split story penned in 15 sentences of Ammianus's masterly hand, in refined literary expression, sets forth a poignant sample of the harsh texture of life in later antiquity. It is also an important historical source, in the context of the great paucity of written sources about the life of the Palace in the century in which it was built, and provides us with some of the names of its first visitors after the death of Diocletian.