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Let me assert from the outset that contemporary politics and governance in Micronesia are influenced to a large extent by the traditional system which underlies the modern system. This traditional system has given a unique Micronesian flavour to contemporary politics and governance, albeit undemocratic in some cases. With careful nurturing through regular briefings and consultation by government leaders, the traditional chiefs can be relied upon to muster the necessary public support for policy implementation. The customary power of the traditional chiefs in Micronesia varied from culture to culture. For instance, on Kosrae the power was centralised in a very powerful ruler, while on Yap, the power of the chiefs was decentralised and subjected to elaborate checks and balances built into the customary political relationship. In Palau, the power was vested in the heads of two alliances of villages. These alliances were involved in constant fighting for domination. In Chuuk, the most powerful traditional leaders were the village chiefs. In the Marshall Islands, the most powerful leaders were the two paramount chiefs, one heading each of the two island chains—the Ratak and Ralik. Surprisingly, for low island chiefs, these two paramount chiefs had absolute power. In Pohnpei, the power of the traditional leaders was exercised by a paramount chief in each of the five kingdoms. However, the exercise of their customary power is checked by the head of a chiefly parallel line whose relationship to the paramount chief is like a father-son relationship, the paramount chief being the father. In the outer islands of Chuuk and Yap, each island had its paramount chief. In spite of the varied power of the traditional chiefs in Micronesia, almost all of them inherit their position through their mother. In Palau, the senior women in the chiefly clan select the paramount chief. Yap is the exception to this general rule. Both the age of the mother and her son were important determining factors for the leadership position in all Micronesian societies. Quite often a young man who had customary claim to a leadership position would be bypassed in favour of an older man. When this happened, usually the older man served in that position until death, then the rightful holder of the title could assert his right. The exercise of customary chiefly power was the domain of men. In a few cases, women would become chiefs, but the effective power would be exercised by men. ; AusAID

"Traditional Leaders and Development in Africa" published on by Oxford University Press.

A national House of Traditional Leaders and provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders have been established in terms of Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1993. The role of Traditional leaders at provincial and national level in the National House of Traditional Leaders and the Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders has not yet been clearly defined in South Africa. The National and Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders experience various problems that hamper their functioning. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the significant role of the National House of Traditional Leaders and the Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders as Constitutional institutions at national and provincial levels and to make proposals regarding their future role and functioning. It can be expected of Constitutional institutions to function properly and effectively. That is, however, not the case with the National House and the various provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders. In the rural areas are the poorest of the poor. This is a result not only of the former apartheid policy but also of a lack of interest by former governments to invest in rural areas. Attention and investment were focused mostly on the development of urban areas. People in rural areas had no voice. It should be ensured that their comments on legislation are for example taken seriously and are not discarded as a mere formality. The 1996 Constitution gives them this voice, but for the intended institutions to function properly, they must be effective. In this article a brief overview of the recognition of traditional institutions in the 1993 and 1996 Constitutions is given, whereafter the National House and Provinical Houses of Traditional Leaders are discussed with regard to their composition, role and the problems they experience in order to make recommendations with regard to their problems and future role.

Traditional authorities play an important role in South Africa. Not everyone is, however, prepared to recognise them as role players. In government circles, on the one hand, a tendency exists to marginalise the role of traditional leaders and, on the other hand, a White Paper process is under way to spell out the role of traditional leaders in the future dispensation. Traditional authorities are seen by their communities as leaders through and by the people. In some instances it is even stated that they receive their authority from God. Research done in the Province of the North West, the Northern Province and the Province of KwaZulu-Natal illustrates that in many of the communities in which traditional leaders serve they are regarded as leaders and they are also seen as symbols of unity in the community. The idea that the system of traditional leadership may be abolished was met by fierce resistance. Traditional leaders are recognised in terms of section 211 of the 1996 Constitution. The Constitution also recognises the possibility that national and provincial legislation may provide a role fo r traditional leaders at national, provincial and local level. Some of the findings of the above-mentioned research programme illustrate that traditional leaders were used as political tools in the past and that they should refrain from participating in party politics. Findings also highlighted the fact that the fragmented legislation dealing with the recognition and functions of traditional leaders (caused by the apartheid system) should be rationalised. Some confusion still exists as to the role of traditional leaders vis-á-vis local government and it is recommended that the respective roles should be clearly spelled out. Traditional communities resent interference in their own affairs without them being consulted. In some respects rural women fe lt that they are not part of the decision-making process and that in some instances they are not allocated land. They, however, express the need to be consulted before any changes to their position is made. Traditional leaders have an important role to play in development at grassroots level. Traditional communities themselves need to be consulted when development is planned and a proper mechanism should be implemented to ensure that rural communities also benefit from rural development schemes.

Brief overview of the role of the traditional leaders in the government systems of Western Samoa, Tonga, the Cook Islands, Fiji, the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and the Federated States of Micronesia. Traditional leaders in these countries seem to have been the prime movers either for securing governmental posts to themselves or in retaining themselves in such structures as Westernized self-government replaced colonial structures. (DÜI-Sen)

A national House of Traditional Leaders and provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders have been established in terms of Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1993. The role of Traditional leaders at provincial and national level in the National House of Traditional Leaders and the Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders has not yet been clearly defined in South Africa. The National and Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders experience various problems that hamper their functioning. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the significant role of the National House of Traditional Leaders and the Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders as Constitutional institutions at national and provincial levels and to make proposals regarding their future role and functioning. It can be expected of Constitutional institutions to function properly and effectively. That is, however, not the case with the National House and the various provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders. In the rural areas are the poorest of the poor. This is a result not only of the former apartheid policy but also of a lack of interest by former governments to invest in rural areas. Attention and investment were focused mostly on the development of urban areas. People in rural areas had no voice. It should be ensured that their comments on legislation are for example taken seriously and are not discarded as a mere formality. The 1996 Constitution gives them this voice, but for the intended institutions to function properly, they must be effective. In this article a brief overview of the recognition of traditional institutions in the 1993 and 1996 Constitutions is given, whereafter the National House and Provinical Houses of Traditional Leaders are discussed with regard to their composition, role and the problems they experience in order to make recommendations with regard to their problems and future role.

Collisions, collusions and coalescences: new takes on traditional leadership in democratic South Africa -- an introduction / Mbongiseni Buthelezi & Beth Vale -- Mistaking form for substance: reflections on the key dynamics of pre-colonial polities and their implications for the role of chiefs in contemporary South Africa / Peter Delius -- Traditional leadership and the African National Congress in South Africa: reflections on a symbiotic relationship / Dineo Skosana -- Mining magnates and traditional leaders: the role of law in elevating elite interests and deepening exclusion, 2002-2018 / Aninka Claassens -- Chiefs, land and distributive struggles on the platinum belt, South Africa / Sonwabile Mnwana -- Traditional leadership, violation of land rights and resistance from below in Makhasaneni village, KwaZulu-Natal / Sithandiwe Yeni -- The violence of the harmony model: common narratives between women and lower-level traditional leaders / Sindiso Mnisi Weeks -- Chieftaincy succession disputes among the AmaNdebele-a-Moletlane in Hammanskraal, 1962 to 1994 / Tlhabane Mokhine Motaung -- Emerging rural struggles against unelected traditional authorities and the role of the courts: lessons from rural villages of the Eastern Cape / Fani Ncapayi -- Situational chiefs: notes on traditional leadership amidst calls for KhoiSan recognition after 1994 / William Ellis -- In defence of traditional leadership / Nkosi Phathekile Holomisa (Ah! Dilizintaba) -- A long walk for traditional leadership in South Africa / Nkosi Mwelo Nonkonyana (Zanemvula!) -- Traditional leadership: South Africa's paradox? / Dineo Skosana.

Post-1994, South Africa's traditional leaders have fought for recognition, and positioned themselves as major players in the South African political landscape. Yet their role in a democracy is contested, with leaders often accused of abusing power, disregarding human rights, expropriating resources and promoting tribalism. Some argue that democracy and traditional leadership are irredeemably opposed and cannot co-exist. Meanwhile, shifts in the political economy of the former bantustans -- the introduction of platinum mining in particular -- have attracted new interests and conflicts to these areas, with chiefs often designated as custodians of community interests. This edited volume explores how chieftancy is practised, experienced and contested in contemporary South Africa. It includes case studies of how those living under the authority of chiefs, in a modern democracy, negotiate or resist this authority in their respective areas. Chapters in this book are organised around three major sites of contest: leadership, land and law.