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Abstract
The aim of this article is to trace genealogies of transfeminism in France and in Spain. It examines the relationship of transfeminism alongside third-wave and second-wave feminist political objectives, the struggle against transpathologization, and the resistance to the binary sex/gender system. It also addresses the politics of translating queer in the European context, showing how transfeminism is a critique of Anglo white queer theory and its capacity for disembodiment. The postporn movement—a distinctive feature of Spanish transfeminism—is offered as a productive use of the body as a means to resist biopower through creative counterproduction and space occupation. The authors argue that transfeminism is about not only resignification but also rematerialization and is a way of getting away from English as an imperialistic language and a reaction against the theoretical excesses of US first-wave white queer theory.

This hybrid research article/three-act play introduces what the author calls "transfeminism for children"—both its practices and its makers—as material for art-based research, criticism, and pedagogy in queer- and trans-affirming childhood studies. It stages three contemporary acts of transfeminism for children to consider how girl friendships refuse cis-normative knowing in favour of making girlhood possible for feminine boys and trans girls: Act 1, a 2018 painting by punk artist and writer Sybil Lamb; Act 2, a 2015 children's novel by writer Alex Gino; and Act 3, a poem by junior high school student Averi Laskey featured in the 2013 documentary Valentine Road. In these performances, cis and trans women and children share the space, time, and feeling of girlhood without its inhospitable racism, biological essentialism, and bourgeois politics of respectability and with the promise of its re-enchantment in transfeminist sorority. It is the work of the following three acts of transfeminism for children to further evidence this claim.

Abstract
This text aims to briefly summarize the initial steps of transfeminism in Brazil, its difficulties and issues within the mainstream feminist movement, which in some ways molded the transfeminist movement, and also its support, not always free from cissexist practices. It also emphasizes intersectionality as a way out of the problem of identity politics and as a praxis to fight for human rights in general.

Abstract
This essay explores four aspects of transnormativities through transfeminism. In South Korea, transnormativity is a key issue in transgenderism. However, it has been seriously marginalized in discussions about transgender. Furthermore, mass media, nontrans people, and nontrans social systems, transgender communities, and nontransfeminist scholars re/produce and re/enforce transnormativity by citing hegemonic gender norms. In the same way, they re/enforce and re/produce the hegemonic gender norms by citing transnormativity. In this essay, the author argues that transnormativities include the elimination of temporality, excluding the ways that may threaten the norms, naturalizing the myth that there is natural gender without any instability, and translation without thinking the hierarchy of language.

Abstract
Trans* issues became visible in Russian feminist communities only in 2013. In Russia, transfeminism was not a reaction against the explicit exclusion of trans* people from feminist spaces; on the contrary, transphobia in feminism arose after an attempt to introduce transfeminism. Both sides currently borrow their arguments from texts by US authors, without significant adaptation to the post-Soviet context. According to the results of a survey conducted among Russian-speaking feminists, the acceptance of trans* people depends on social privilege and education, with more privileged and educated feminists being more conservative. On the other hand, the support for existing gender roles in Russian trans* communities is rather high, although it was shown to be lower than in the general population. Assaults from cisnormative feminists and trans* people, together with the tough political situation, make the survival of transfeminism questionable in Russia.

Abstract
This article proposes two specific interventions, utilizing a critical transfeminist positioning to critique a transexclusionary perspective in writing and research on the crucial problem of necropolitics and the murder of women in Mexican society: (1) the term postmortem/transmortem politics, to reflect on the forms that imagination and political practice developed inside a Mexican trans community to deal with the necropolitics that murders trans and cis women on an everyday basis with complete impunity—in this sense, the process of mobilization, here called postmortem/transmortem, builds bridges of transfeminist alliance since it reactivates and embodies struggles against femicide and transfemicide from communities of care and vulnerability; and (2) the goals of the transfeminist movement as a source of feminist repolitization and greater inclusivity for the subject of feminisms, considering those subjects left outside or energetically moved away from the neoliberal reconversion of the critical devices of the white heterosexual and institutional feminisms that we know today as gender politics or "women's politics," managed and operated by the state.

The paradigms of academic and activist feminisms in the United States in the middle and later half of the 20th century were developed in part as critical explorations of exclusionary practices within feminist ideology. The strength of critical feminisms is their capacity to reimagine the limiting parameters of exclusion (e.g., of Black people and people of color, of butch lesbians, etc.) that are based in many of the same principles that bolster patriarchal definitions of gender and sexuality. Such patriarchal definitions include the pressure to express and experience gender and sexuality in a static manner that relegates all other expressions as Other or merely transitional. If the purpose of critical feminisms is to explore the "issues of power [and]…the ways that gender ideology… is produced, reproduced, resisted, and changed in and through the everyday experiences of" people, then the concepts that this paper explores should be of the utmost importance within critical feminisms. In doing so critical feminisms must examine the contributions and experiences of trans, non-binary, and queer people that help us to reimagine what it means to be a feminist in a world of free expression.

The current political landscape provides collective actors with new strategies to articulate individual interests, hardships, identities, critiques, and solutions, engage with social mobilisation's conflictual demands, and move towards sustainable practices of collective actions. This article will focus on theoretical challenges surrounding the political action and organization of feminist and trans* identities in order to provide situated knowledge about the dynamics of the transfeminist activism in the Madrilenian geopolitical context. Throughout LGBT*Q+ activists' integrated forms of doing politics along different axes of oppression (e.g., class, migration, racialisation, disability, ethnicity, gender diversity), new visibility regimes are trying to expand the repertoires of action by nurturing emerging coalitions and agencies among a variety of hybrid political subjects. This article thus argues that trans* politics, through nonbinary activism and a new intersectional feminist praxis, may expand the political subject of feminism and our understanding of identity politics and embodied action.

The current political landscape provides collective actors with new strategies to articulate individual interests, hardships, identities, critiques, and solutions, engage with social mobilisation's conflictual demands, and move towards sustainable practices of collective actions. This article will focus on theoretical challenges surrounding the political action and organization of feminist and trans* identities in order to provide situated knowledge about the dynamics of the transfeminist activism in the Madrilenian geopolitical context. Throughout LGBT*Q+ activists' integrated forms of doing politics along different axes of oppression (e.g., class, migration, racialisation, disability, ethnicity, gender diversity), new visibility regimes are trying to expand the repertoires of action by nurturing emerging coalitions and agencies among a variety of hybrid political subjects. This article thus argues that trans* politics, through nonbinary activism and a new intersectional feminist praxis, may expand the political subject of feminism and our understanding of identity politics and embodied action.

"Explores childhood in relation to blackness, transfeminism, queerness, and deportability to interrogate what "the child" makes possible"--

The vital political processes of those who perform drag king acquire consciousness from historicity but they are also oriented towards the margins of the (hetero) normative construction of feminine subjectivity, independently from any self-definition in relation to gender identities and erotic-sexual desires. Drag king performance is not a linear process, whose practices are simply justified by feminisms and transfeminisms. Drag king performance becomes a site of movement where feminisms and transfeminisms support familiar and unfamiliar practices of resistance. This article draws from conversations with a person who performs drag king in Barcelona and aims to give an overview about how this resistance is not only discursive, but also somatic and corporal.

Abstract: Drawing from queer theory and transfeminism, this article discusses whether queer- and trans-inclusive feminism is a possibility within the contemporary feminist movement in Turkey by analyzing its approach to the concept of sex/gender. In this context, in-depth interviews were conducted with activists who took part in the feminist movement and the LGBTQIA+ movement in Izmir, Turkey. These interviews reveal that the feminist movement bases its understanding on the sex and gender distinction and heteropatriarchy's gender binarism, questions the identities of trans subjects, and establishes power domains in terms of being white and cishet. The present study has concluded that the feminist movement does not build sufficiently on transfeminism and queer theory, and reinforces a cisnormative sex/gender approach.