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Abstract
The aim of this article is to trace genealogies of transfeminism in France and in Spain. It examines the relationship of transfeminism alongside third-wave and second-wave feminist political objectives, the struggle against transpathologization, and the resistance to the binary sex/gender system. It also addresses the politics of translating queer in the European context, showing how transfeminism is a critique of Anglo white queer theory and its capacity for disembodiment. The postporn movement—a distinctive feature of Spanish transfeminism—is offered as a productive use of the body as a means to resist biopower through creative counterproduction and space occupation. The authors argue that transfeminism is about not only resignification but also rematerialization and is a way of getting away from English as an imperialistic language and a reaction against the theoretical excesses of US first-wave white queer theory.

This hybrid research article/three-act play introduces what the author calls "transfeminism for children"—both its practices and its makers—as material for art-based research, criticism, and pedagogy in queer- and trans-affirming childhood studies. It stages three contemporary acts of transfeminism for children to consider how girl friendships refuse cis-normative knowing in favour of making girlhood possible for feminine boys and trans girls: Act 1, a 2018 painting by punk artist and writer Sybil Lamb; Act 2, a 2015 children's novel by writer Alex Gino; and Act 3, a poem by junior high school student Averi Laskey featured in the 2013 documentary Valentine Road. In these performances, cis and trans women and children share the space, time, and feeling of girlhood without its inhospitable racism, biological essentialism, and bourgeois politics of respectability and with the promise of its re-enchantment in transfeminist sorority. It is the work of the following three acts of transfeminism for children to further evidence this claim.

Abstract
This text aims to briefly summarize the initial steps of transfeminism in Brazil, its difficulties and issues within the mainstream feminist movement, which in some ways molded the transfeminist movement, and also its support, not always free from cissexist practices. It also emphasizes intersectionality as a way out of the problem of identity politics and as a praxis to fight for human rights in general.

Abstract
This essay explores four aspects of transnormativities through transfeminism. In South Korea, transnormativity is a key issue in transgenderism. However, it has been seriously marginalized in discussions about transgender. Furthermore, mass media, nontrans people, and nontrans social systems, transgender communities, and nontransfeminist scholars re/produce and re/enforce transnormativity by citing hegemonic gender norms. In the same way, they re/enforce and re/produce the hegemonic gender norms by citing transnormativity. In this essay, the author argues that transnormativities include the elimination of temporality, excluding the ways that may threaten the norms, naturalizing the myth that there is natural gender without any instability, and translation without thinking the hierarchy of language.

Abstract
Trans* issues became visible in Russian feminist communities only in 2013. In Russia, transfeminism was not a reaction against the explicit exclusion of trans* people from feminist spaces; on the contrary, transphobia in feminism arose after an attempt to introduce transfeminism. Both sides currently borrow their arguments from texts by US authors, without significant adaptation to the post-Soviet context. According to the results of a survey conducted among Russian-speaking feminists, the acceptance of trans* people depends on social privilege and education, with more privileged and educated feminists being more conservative. On the other hand, the support for existing gender roles in Russian trans* communities is rather high, although it was shown to be lower than in the general population. Assaults from cisnormative feminists and trans* people, together with the tough political situation, make the survival of transfeminism questionable in Russia.

It is sometimes argued that there are pre-political, 'natural' characteristics that have a significant role in rendering political subjects, for instance that women are the subjects of feminism. These same arguments criticise transfeminism as a usurper of feminist priorities because it changes focus to the rights of groups whose members are not exclusively women. This essay challenges such criticism. It begins by defining transfeminism as a form of activism and an epistemological tool, in order to cogently address some of the views that oppose it. I then propose a way out of the conflict by showing how we can make better sense of transfeminism aided by Wittgenstein's concept of forms of life, since both views contend that there are biological and environmental features that constitute the uniqueness as well as the diversity of the given human form of life, without implying that said diversity leads to relativism. The paper concludes that transfeminism, when conceptualised correctly, can indeed work with other feminisms and political movements in order to counter institutionalised and market-driven gender politics that only simulate to address feminist concerns.

Key words: transfeminism, Wittgenstein, forms of life, Judith Butler, feminist subject

Abstract
This article proposes two specific interventions, utilizing a critical transfeminist positioning to critique a transexclusionary perspective in writing and research on the crucial problem of necropolitics and the murder of women in Mexican society: (1) the term postmortem/transmortem politics, to reflect on the forms that imagination and political practice developed inside a Mexican trans community to deal with the necropolitics that murders trans and cis women on an everyday basis with complete impunity—in this sense, the process of mobilization, here called postmortem/transmortem, builds bridges of transfeminist alliance since it reactivates and embodies struggles against femicide and transfemicide from communities of care and vulnerability; and (2) the goals of the transfeminist movement as a source of feminist repolitization and greater inclusivity for the subject of feminisms, considering those subjects left outside or energetically moved away from the neoliberal reconversion of the critical devices of the white heterosexual and institutional feminisms that we know today as gender politics or "women's politics," managed and operated by the state.

The paradigms of academic and activist feminisms in the United States in the middle and later half of the 20th century were developed in part as critical explorations of exclusionary practices within feminist ideology. The strength of critical feminisms is their capacity to reimagine the limiting parameters of exclusion (e.g., of Black people and people of color, of butch lesbians, etc.) that are based in many of the same principles that bolster patriarchal definitions of gender and sexuality. Such patriarchal definitions include the pressure to express and experience gender and sexuality in a static manner that relegates all other expressions as Other or merely transitional. If the purpose of critical feminisms is to explore the "issues of power [and]…the ways that gender ideology… is produced, reproduced, resisted, and changed in and through the everyday experiences of" people, then the concepts that this paper explores should be of the utmost importance within critical feminisms. In doing so critical feminisms must examine the contributions and experiences of trans, non-binary, and queer people that help us to reimagine what it means to be a feminist in a world of free expression.

El presente artículo se propone abordar las relaciones entre feminismos y antiespecismos, en el contexto de la pregunta por el carácter sacrificial y normativo de lo humano. En primer lugar, se inscribirá la problematización del especismo en el marco de la deconstrucción del orden de poder que Donna Haraway denominó el "patriarcado capitalista blanco". En segundo lugar, se establecerán algunos límites de cierto discurso feminista antiespecista, particularmente el de Carol Adams, en lo que concierne tanto a su visión binaria del género, como a su postura frente al trabajo sexual. Finalmente, se reflexionará sobre la potencialidad de pensar las políticas antiespecistas y veganas en clave interseccional, para así apostar por "alianzas" que desplacen la producción cis-heteropatriarcal, racista, capacitista y especista de la norma humana, y que además apuesten por la resistencia al modo capitalista de producción. ; This article seeks to address the relations between feminisms and anti-speciesisms, in the context of the question of the sacrificial and normative character of the human. In the first place, the problematization of speciesism will be inscribed in the framework of the deconstruction of the order of power that Donna Haraway called the "white capitalist patriarchy". In the second place, will be delimited some limits of certain anti-speciesist feminist discourse, particularly that of Carol Adams, concerning both her binary view of gender and her stance on sex work. Finally, it will be reflect on the potential of thinking anti-speciesism and vegan politics in an intersectional key, in order to bet on "alliances" that displace the cis-heteropatriarchal, racist, capacitist and specist production of the human norm, and that they also resist the capitalist mode of production. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

Abstract: Closely intertwined with political activism, queer studies have evolved as a vast field of knowledge, and offering an overview of the literature – as is presented here – poses considerable challenges. Addressing concepts of time, place, and subjectivity, the author highlights some of the more recent "turns" within queer theories and reflects upon their impact on historical research. One key trend is the way in which embodied and affective temporalities figure prominently among new queer concepts. One of the self-reflexive conclusions that have been formulated by and for historians deals with the question of what kind of relations scholars are supposed to cultivate with 'queers' of the past. A second development within queer theories emerged in the aftermath of 9/11, when national(ist) productions of racialized and sexualized others moved to the centre of queer analysis; the term "homonationalism" widely gained authority. In relation to the history and presence of international asymmetries, the paper raises questions about queer perspectives on geopolitical power relations and the ongoing challenges of doing justice to post-colonial criticism. A third "turn" originates from transgender activism and trans theory, particularly trans*feminism, as promoted by French, Spanish and other "non-US" authors. In this regard, the paper discusses consequences of a queer trans*feminist approach to subject formations, border theories, and embodied reading in historical research. ; Abstract: Closely intertwined with political activism, queer studies have evolved as a vast field of knowledge, and offering an overview of the literature – as is presented here – poses considerable challenges. Addressing concepts of time, place, and subjectivity, the author highlights some of the more recent "turns" within queer theories and reflects upon their impact on historical research. One key trend is the way in which embodied and affective temporalities figure prominently among new queer concepts. One of the self-reflexive conclusions that have been formulated by and for historians deals with the question of what kind of relations scholars are supposed to cultivate with 'queers' of the past. A second development within queer theories emerged in the aftermath of 9/11, when national(ist) productions of racialized and sexualized others moved to the centre of queer analysis; the term "homonationalism" widely gained authority. In relation to the history and presence of international asymmetries, the paper raises questions about queer perspectives on geopolitical power relations and the ongoing challenges of doing justice to post-colonial criticism. A third "turn" originates from transgender activism and trans theory, particularly trans*feminism, as promoted by French, Spanish and other "non-US" authors. In this regard, the paper discusses consequences of a queer trans*feminist approach to subject formations, border theories, and embodied reading in historical research.

The cycle of protests opened by the Arab Springs has served to revitalize theoretical reflections on the interplay between the construction of political agency and the production of coalitional spaces. This is the case of Judith Butler in Bodies in Alliance and the Politics of the Street, along with other authors that have shown the importance of thinking bodily encounter, and the politics of accessibility to the space of appearance, as a central part of political reflection and struggle. In dialogue with these and other theoretical provocations, specially coming from Queer Studies, this essay explores the modes of production of the space of transfeminist and queer coalition drawing on recent activist experiences in the city of Madrid. ; El ciclo de protestas que se abrió en las primaveras árabes ha servido para revitalizar la reflexión teórica sobre el modo en que los procesos de agenciamiento político son indisociables de los modos de producción de los espacios de coalición. Es el caso de Judith Butler en Cuerpos aliados y lucha política, junto con otras autoras que han mostrado la importancia de pensar los modos de encuentro corporal, y las políticas de acceso a los espacios de aparición, como parte central de la lucha y la reflexión política. En diálogo con estas y otras provocaciones teóricas, fundamentalmente en el ámbito de los estudios queer, este ensayo explora los modos de producción del espacio de coalición transfeminista y queer a partir de experiencias activistas recientes en la ciudad de Madrid. ; Texto financiado por la Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia no âmbito do Projeto Estratégico do Centro de Estudos Sociais (UID/SOC/50012/2019).

El ciclo de protestas que se abrió en las primaveras árabes ha servido para revitalizar la reflexión teórica sobre el modo en que los procesos de agenciamiento político son indisociables de los modos de producción de los espacios de coalición. Es el caso de Judith Butler en Cuerpos aliados y lucha política, junto con otras autoras que han mostrado la importancia de pensar los modos de encuentro corporal, y las políticas de acceso a los espacios de aparición, como parte central de la lucha y la reflexión política. En diálogo con estas y otras provocaciones teóricas, fundamentalmente en el ámbito de los estudios queer, este ensayo explora los modos de producción del espacio de coalición transfeminista y queer a partir de experiencias activistas recientes en la ciudad de Madrid. ; The cycle of protests opened by the Arab Springs has served to revitalize theoretical reflections on the interplay between the construction of political agency and the production of coalitional spaces. This is the case of Judith Butler in Bodies in Alliance and the Politics of the Street, along with other authors that have shown the importance of thinking bodily encounter, and the politics of accessibility to the space of appearance, as a central part of political reflection and struggle. In dialogue with these and other theoretical provocations, specially coming from Queer Studies, this essay explores the modes of production of the space of transfeminist and queer coalition drawing on recent activist experiences in the city of Madrid.