Suchergebnisse

Aim. The study aims to enrich an understanding of how Lithuanian school psychologists perceive the cross-cultural transitional care in the bridging role they are made to play in their schooling contexts in supporting Cross-Culture Kids (CCK). Methods. The article presents research findings of surveying 200 school psychologists from Lithuania on current practices and challenges Lithuanian schools face in working with CCKs and developing effective and comprehensive school-based Cross- Cultural Transition Care Programmes (CCTCP). Results. The analysis shows that Lithuanian school psychologists are unfamiliar with CCK concepts and do not feel prepared to deliver CCTC service to migrant pupils and families or CCTC training to their peer teacher and school administration. Issues surrounding migrant integration are alien to many, and many see it as irrelevant to their school contexts, regardless of governmental attempts to integrate returning Lithuanian emigrants in recent years. Conclusion. The study shows that cross-cultural dialogues—and thus care support— yet need to find space in Lithuanian schools. Through systematic reconsideration, institutions providing educational support and training to key school actors, such as school psychologists, can be better supported. More approachable forms of implementable resources will allow space for schools to negotiate the extent and speed of their involvement, and also provide an arena for cross-cultural narratives and integration care, as they see fit best in their context

Aim. The study aims to enrich an understanding of how Lithuanian school psychologists perceive the cross-cultural transitional care in the bridging role they are made to play in their schooling contexts in supporting Cross-Culture Kids (CCK). Methods. The article presents research findings of surveying 200 school psychologists from Lithuania on current practices and challenges Lithuanian schools face in working with CCKs and developing effective and comprehensive school-based Cross- Cultural Transition Care Programmes (CCTCP). Results. The analysis shows that Lithuanian school psychologists are unfamiliar with CCK concepts and do not feel prepared to deliver CCTC service to migrant pupils and families or CCTC training to their peer teacher and school administration. Issues surrounding migrant integration are alien to many, and many see it as irrelevant to their school contexts, regardless of governmental attempts to integrate returning Lithuanian emigrants in recent years. Conclusion. The study shows that cross-cultural dialogues—and thus care support— yet need to find space in Lithuanian schools. Through systematic reconsideration, institutions providing educational support and training to key school actors, such as school psychologists, can be better supported. More approachable forms of implementable resources will allow space for schools to negotiate the extent and speed of their involvement, and also provide an arena for cross-cultural narratives and integration care, as they see fit best in their context

While Lithuania is among the countries with the highest at-risk-of-poverty rates in the European Union, poverty research has so far been dominated by cross-sectional poverty analysis. This paper is aimed at contributing to better understanding of poverty as a dynamic process in Lithuania by examining poverty risk persistence, transitions and triggers. The analysis is based on the longitudinal component of the Survey on Income and Living Conditions. The longitudinal at-risk-of-poverty rate within the four-year panels is estimated to be at around a third of the Lithuanian population within a period of 2005–2012. Poverty risk in Lithuania proved to be both widely spread and persistent. The major role of income events for poverty risk entries and exits highlights the importance of activation into work, especially as concerns secondary household earners and better income protection in Lithuania. While no robust evidence of poverty penalty was found for poverty exits, the incidence of poverty re-entries within the initial three-year period after poverty exit substantially exceeds poverty entry rates in the general population.

While Lithuania is among the countries with the highest at-risk-of-poverty rates in the European Union, poverty research has so far been dominated by cross-sectional poverty analysis. This paper is aimed at contributing to better understanding of poverty as a dynamic process in Lithuania by examining poverty risk persistence, transitions and triggers. The analysis is based on the longitudinal component of the Survey on Income and Living Conditions. The longitudinal at-risk-of-poverty rate within the four-year panels is estimated to be at around a third of the Lithuanian population within a period of 2005–2012. Poverty risk in Lithuania proved to be both widely spread and persistent. The major role of income events for poverty risk entries and exits highlights the importance of activation into work, especially as concerns secondary household earners and better income protection in Lithuania. While no robust evidence of poverty penalty was found for poverty exits, the incidence of poverty re-entries within the initial three-year period after poverty exit substantially exceeds poverty entry rates in the general population.

While Lithuania is among the countries with the highest at-risk-of-poverty rates in the European Union, poverty research has so far been dominated by cross-sectional poverty analysis. This paper is aimed at contributing to better understanding of poverty as a dynamic process in Lithuania by examining poverty risk persistence, transitions and triggers. The analysis is based on the longitudinal component of the Survey on Income and Living Conditions. The longitudinal at-risk-of-poverty rate within the four-year panels is estimated to be at around a third of the Lithuanian population within a period of 2005–2012. Poverty risk in Lithuania proved to be both widely spread and persistent. The major role of income events for poverty risk entries and exits highlights the importance of activation into work, especially as concerns secondary household earners and better income protection in Lithuania. While no robust evidence of poverty penalty was found for poverty exits, the incidence of poverty re-entries within the initial three-year period after poverty exit substantially exceeds poverty entry rates in the general population.

While Lithuania is among the countries with the highest at-risk-of-poverty rates in the European Union, poverty research has so far been dominated by cross-sectional poverty analysis. This paper is aimed at contributing to better understanding of poverty as a dynamic process in Lithuania by examining poverty risk persistence, transitions and triggers. The analysis is based on the longitudinal component of the Survey on Income and Living Conditions. The longitudinal at-risk-of-poverty rate within the four-year panels is estimated to be at around a third of the Lithuanian population within a period of 2005–2012. Poverty risk in Lithuania proved to be both widely spread and persistent. The major role of income events for poverty risk entries and exits highlights the importance of activation into work, especially as concerns secondary household earners and better income protection in Lithuania. While no robust evidence of poverty penalty was found for poverty exits, the incidence of poverty re-entries within the initial three-year period after poverty exit substantially exceeds poverty entry rates in the general population.

Abstract: The collapse of the Soviet utopian world, where the government sought to plan and control economic and social processes, caused a wave of significant changes in the post-socialist countries. The territorial regrouping of citizens is one of the hard to control changes that started at the end of the 1990s in Lithuania. This article identifies the major changes in the settlement system in Lithuania and its effects on peripheral areas. The main scope of this article is an analysis of the potential of residents from peripheral areas to adapt to the rapidly changing socio-economic environment. For the analysis, we used data and information gathered during field trips to peripheral rural areas throughout the country between 2013 and 2014. This study found that the residents who remained in peripheral areas had several opportunities in rapidly changing environment after Lithuania gained its Independence in 1990. Interviews with local authorities allowed us to define three groups of residents and their potential to adapt to the labour market: those who are active, those who are passive and those who choose social benefits instead of a work salary. The survey results allowed us to predict that the 'central-peripheral' spatial structure will be one of the main factors influencing regional development in Lithuania in the near future.

Abstract: The collapse of the Soviet utopian world, where the government sought to plan and control economic and social processes, caused a wave of significant changes in the post-socialist countries. The territorial regrouping of citizens is one of the hard to control changes that started at the end of the 1990s in Lithuania. This article identifies the major changes in the settlement system in Lithuania and its effects on peripheral areas. The main scope of this article is an analysis of the potential of residents from peripheral areas to adapt to the rapidly changing socio-economic environment. For the analysis, we used data and information gathered during field trips to peripheral rural areas throughout the country between 2013 and 2014. This study found that the residents who remained in peripheral areas had several opportunities in rapidly changing environment after Lithuania gained its Independence in 1990. Interviews with local authorities allowed us to define three groups of residents and their potential to adapt to the labour market: those who are active, those who are passive and those who choose social benefits instead of a work salary. The survey results allowed us to predict that the 'central-peripheral' spatial structure will be one of the main factors influencing regional development in Lithuania in the near future.

Abstract: The collapse of the Soviet utopian world, where the government sought to plan and control economic and social processes, caused a wave of significant changes in the post-socialist countries. The territorial regrouping of citizens is one of the hard to control changes that started at the end of the 1990s in Lithuania. This article identifies the major changes in the settlement system in Lithuania and its effects on peripheral areas. The main scope of this article is an analysis of the potential of residents from peripheral areas to adapt to the rapidly changing socio-economic environment. For the analysis, we used data and information gathered during field trips to peripheral rural areas throughout the country between 2013 and 2014. This study found that the residents who remained in peripheral areas had several opportunities in rapidly changing environment after Lithuania gained its Independence in 1990. Interviews with local authorities allowed us to define three groups of residents and their potential to adapt to the labour market: those who are active, those who are passive and those who choose social benefits instead of a work salary. The survey results allowed us to predict that the 'central-peripheral' spatial structure will be one of the main factors influencing regional development in Lithuania in the near future.

Abstract: The collapse of the Soviet utopian world, where the government sought to plan and control economic and social processes, caused a wave of significant changes in the post-socialist countries. The territorial regrouping of citizens is one of the hard to control changes that started at the end of the 1990s in Lithuania. This article identifies the major changes in the settlement system in Lithuania and its effects on peripheral areas. The main scope of this article is an analysis of the potential of residents from peripheral areas to adapt to the rapidly changing socio-economic environment. For the analysis, we used data and information gathered during field trips to peripheral rural areas throughout the country between 2013 and 2014. This study found that the residents who remained in peripheral areas had several opportunities in rapidly changing environment after Lithuania gained its Independence in 1990. Interviews with local authorities allowed us to define three groups of residents and their potential to adapt to the labour market: those who are active, those who are passive and those who choose social benefits instead of a work salary. The survey results allowed us to predict that the 'central-peripheral' spatial structure will be one of the main factors influencing regional development in Lithuania in the near future.

The usage of the concept of "Baltic region" and the topic of geographical coverage is still relevant to nowadays people. To know, what it actually means, you need to make a research on this concept and geographical coverage, on the reasons of their existence during the period of different political processes from its beginning till nowadays approach. Czar of Russia Nicolas I was influenced by Germans who lived in the territory of Russian Empire and approved self-government of Estonia and Livonia in German living lands. It was approved in 1845 and was called "Pre- Baltic", from the year 1860 people started calling it by the name of "Baltic". During Ist World War, the same historical and political situation of creating a country appeared in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland and Poland. For this reason, politicians of these countries fought in Western Europe for recognition and separation form their countries from Russian Empire. These countries planed to establish The Great Baltic League, which would have been a political and economical unity and would have protected the freedom of Baltic Sea: 1. Scandinavian: Denmark, Norway and Sweden; 2. Estraen Baltic: Finland, Estonia, Latvia; 3. Southern Baltic: Lithuania and Poland. It should by mentioned that such division of counties during this period identifies those days concept of "Baltic" because it was realised as a part of Russian Empire, which reached the Baltic Sea and as a result of Ist World War, freed from its yoke. Because of constant disagreements between Lithuania and Poland (the problem of Vilnius county) and agreement between Sweden and Finland (the problem of the Aland islands). The parliament of Finland ruined plans of Poland of becoming of the one who unites Baltic countries by denying this plan and idea of union.[.].

The usage of the concept of "Baltic region" and the topic of geographical coverage is still relevant to nowadays people. To know, what it actually means, you need to make a research on this concept and geographical coverage, on the reasons of their existence during the period of different political processes from its beginning till nowadays approach. Czar of Russia Nicolas I was influenced by Germans who lived in the territory of Russian Empire and approved self-government of Estonia and Livonia in German living lands. It was approved in 1845 and was called "Pre- Baltic", from the year 1860 people started calling it by the name of "Baltic". During Ist World War, the same historical and political situation of creating a country appeared in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland and Poland. For this reason, politicians of these countries fought in Western Europe for recognition and separation form their countries from Russian Empire. These countries planed to establish The Great Baltic League, which would have been a political and economical unity and would have protected the freedom of Baltic Sea: 1. Scandinavian: Denmark, Norway and Sweden; 2. Estraen Baltic: Finland, Estonia, Latvia; 3. Southern Baltic: Lithuania and Poland. It should by mentioned that such division of counties during this period identifies those days concept of "Baltic" because it was realised as a part of Russian Empire, which reached the Baltic Sea and as a result of Ist World War, freed from its yoke. Because of constant disagreements between Lithuania and Poland (the problem of Vilnius county) and agreement between Sweden and Finland (the problem of the Aland islands). The parliament of Finland ruined plans of Poland of becoming of the one who unites Baltic countries by denying this plan and idea of union.[.].

The usage of the concept of "Baltic region" and the topic of geographical coverage is still relevant to nowadays people. To know, what it actually means, you need to make a research on this concept and geographical coverage, on the reasons of their existence during the period of different political processes from its beginning till nowadays approach. Czar of Russia Nicolas I was influenced by Germans who lived in the territory of Russian Empire and approved self-government of Estonia and Livonia in German living lands. It was approved in 1845 and was called "Pre- Baltic", from the year 1860 people started calling it by the name of "Baltic". During Ist World War, the same historical and political situation of creating a country appeared in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland and Poland. For this reason, politicians of these countries fought in Western Europe for recognition and separation form their countries from Russian Empire. These countries planed to establish The Great Baltic League, which would have been a political and economical unity and would have protected the freedom of Baltic Sea: 1. Scandinavian: Denmark, Norway and Sweden; 2. Estraen Baltic: Finland, Estonia, Latvia; 3. Southern Baltic: Lithuania and Poland. It should by mentioned that such division of counties during this period identifies those days concept of "Baltic" because it was realised as a part of Russian Empire, which reached the Baltic Sea and as a result of Ist World War, freed from its yoke. Because of constant disagreements between Lithuania and Poland (the problem of Vilnius county) and agreement between Sweden and Finland (the problem of the Aland islands). The parliament of Finland ruined plans of Poland of becoming of the one who unites Baltic countries by denying this plan and idea of union.[.].

After Lithuania was accepted to the NATO, considering that call-up to the army on the national level was relinquished, the primary goal of military capability transformation has become to fulfil commitments to the international partners. Lithuania's deterrence posture became depended on the NATO extended deterrence strategy. Lithuania, as the integrated part of the NATO collective defence system, during the stable security period did not see any threats, which could mean that collective defensive commitments of NATO partners would not be realized. The goal of this paper – to determine Lithuania's military deterrence doctrine transformation and the main causes of changes, during 2004 – 2019. When Lithuania became a member of NATO, additional expenditures to the national defence has not been planned. Insufficient military capabilities were covered by the participation in the international operations. This strategy has helped create an image of Lithuania as a reliable international partner. Close cooperation on the international level could be considered as the communication to the adversaries, that NATO members will follow their commitments, including Article 5. During 2004 – 2014 within Lithuania membership in NATO was considered as the reliable instrument in order to ensure military deterrence. Although, this strategy was formal, because there were any defence plans or actions planned in the NATO strategic documents in order to defend Baltic region. Military conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine was breaking point within Lithuania, changing security posture externally and internally. The Baltic states have started to demand concrete defence plans, which helped strengthen deterrence posture. After 2014, then the real war threat emerged, on the political level in Lithuania it was understood, that national security could be ensured not only through the NATO organization, but through additional actions and measures as well – Lithuania's military must be capable to react to the small conflicts, in Lithuania there must be deployed permanent NATO troops. Because of these changes, Lithuania's deterrence posture from the theoretical discussions became real strategy, which led to create concrete action plans. Additionally, military expenditures within Lithuania was increased, call-up on the national scale was renewed, two more brigades "Aukštaitija" and "Žemaitija" were created. In the region, NATO forefront military troops were deployed, military exercises started to happen periodically.

After Lithuania was accepted to the NATO, considering that call-up to the army on the national level was relinquished, the primary goal of military capability transformation has become to fulfil commitments to the international partners. Lithuania's deterrence posture became depended on the NATO extended deterrence strategy. Lithuania, as the integrated part of the NATO collective defence system, during the stable security period did not see any threats, which could mean that collective defensive commitments of NATO partners would not be realized. The goal of this paper – to determine Lithuania's military deterrence doctrine transformation and the main causes of changes, during 2004 – 2019. When Lithuania became a member of NATO, additional expenditures to the national defence has not been planned. Insufficient military capabilities were covered by the participation in the international operations. This strategy has helped create an image of Lithuania as a reliable international partner. Close cooperation on the international level could be considered as the communication to the adversaries, that NATO members will follow their commitments, including Article 5. During 2004 – 2014 within Lithuania membership in NATO was considered as the reliable instrument in order to ensure military deterrence. Although, this strategy was formal, because there were any defence plans or actions planned in the NATO strategic documents in order to defend Baltic region. Military conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine was breaking point within Lithuania, changing security posture externally and internally. The Baltic states have started to demand concrete defence plans, which helped strengthen deterrence posture. After 2014, then the real war threat emerged, on the political level in Lithuania it was understood, that national security could be ensured not only through the NATO organization, but through additional actions and measures as well – Lithuania's military must be capable to react to the small conflicts, in Lithuania there must be deployed permanent NATO troops. Because of these changes, Lithuania's deterrence posture from the theoretical discussions became real strategy, which led to create concrete action plans. Additionally, military expenditures within Lithuania was increased, call-up on the national scale was renewed, two more brigades "Aukštaitija" and "Žemaitija" were created. In the region, NATO forefront military troops were deployed, military exercises started to happen periodically.